t-online:

Foreign Minister, you were able to meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi during your visit to India. Was this more than just a symbolic meeting?

Johann Wadephul:

Absolutely! There really was substance to my talks with Prime Minister Modi. We discussed all the main issues of our bilateral cooperation, but of course we also spoke about India’s and Germany’s relations with China, as well as Russia’s war in Ukraine and our relations with the United States of America.

t-online:

Modi demonstrated unity with Kremlin boss Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in China last weekend. Are there limits to Germany’s pragmatic approach to India?

Johann Wadephul:

Of course there are. We also expect India to understand our values. In recent years, for example, this has been an issue with regard to our restrictive arms policy. In other words, we expect pragmatism of India, but must also demonstrate it ourselves.

t-online:

That sounds like a foreign policy based on interests.

Johann Wadephul:

Exactly.

t-online:

Wouldn’t it be better if Germany tried to influence India so that Modi didn’t pose for photos hand-in-hand with Putin? Images like these send a particular message and increasingly make Russia less isolated internationally.

Johann Wadephul:

We shouldn't overestimate the impact of Modi’s photos with Putin. India’s position on Russia’s war is very clear. It supports an end to the conflict, and before his trip to China, Modi also spoke on the phone with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.

t-online:

The US apparently sees this differently and wants India to be clearer in its approach to Russia. How do you view the United States’ step to now target Russia’s main trading partners with tariffs?

Johann Wadephul:

I don’t fully understand the US Administration’s tariffs policy. We see that Trump’s tariffs took the Indian Government by surprise and have put a strain on relations, not only as regards trade. However, the Indian Government will address this in bilateral talks with the US. For us as Germany in the EU, it is clear that we stand for free trade without barriers. The EU is taking a different approach to that taken by Trump and holding talks with India on a free trade agreement.

t-online:

So you don’t agree with Trump targeting Russia’s trade partners to get Putin to negotiate on the war in Ukraine?

Johann Wadephul:

The German Government has a very targeted sanctions policy towards Russia. Germany sees this as the right approach, and this policy is at the heart of the European Union’s measures. However, we also call upon all other countries not to circumvent our sanctions against Russia, thus undermining their impact. This remains the right strategy.

t-online:

But countries such as India are helping Russia to get around western sanctions, and Putin’s war chest is still being filled. Does that not make it extremely difficult to put more pressure on Russia?

Johann Wadephul:

We are currently continuing to work on making it more difficult for Russia to sell its energy sources. Even if this will never fully work, we must not underestimate one thing, namely that western sanctions against Russia are having a real impact. Despite all the interventions by the Central Bank and the switch to a war economy, Moscow is struggling with an inflation rate of 18 percent and increasingly cash-strapped state budgets. This is a clear sign that our measures are working.

t-online:

However, that doesn’t help Ukraine much at the moment. Russia has announced a new offensive for the autumn. How can western support for Ukraine be expanded in concrete terms?

Johann Wadephul:

We need to think about new weapons systems that can be supplied, as well as systems that Ukraine can procure itself.

t-online:

Which ones?

Johann Wadephul:

Ukraine needs pretty much everything, especially air-defence systems. Some European countries still have systems that they don’t need every day. Germany suggests that they think about giving them to Ukraine.

t-online:

Which countries are you referring to?

Johann Wadephul:

With all due respect for t-online’s reach and influence, I think it is more effective to speak directly and in confidence with the countries concerned, rather than via the media.

t-online:

In principle, you welcomed Donald Trump’s meeting with Putin in Alaska in August. If you view dialogue as a positive step in general, why don’t you talk to Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov?

Johann Wadephul:

No. There is no point in doing so at the present time.

t-online:

Why not?

Johann Wadephul:

Because I don’t see any willingness whatsoever from Russia to negotiate. Putin is conducting a war of aggression and is not even thinking about ceasing the attacks on Ukraine. However, when Russia is genuinely willing to end the war and if Germany can help to achieve this with other European partners, then of course we Europeans will also talk to Lavrov.

t-online:

Trump wasn’t bothered by Russia’s lack of willingness to negotiate. Why do you still see his meeting with Putin as a positive sign?

Johann Wadephul:

The meeting in Alaska ended a blockade, as it showed one thing above all – the claim that no one wants to negotiate with Putin is completely false. Trump sat down at a table with him and the whole world saw who left the table again. Putin is the sole reason why there has been no progress.

t-online:

Can Germany still work with the United States on a basis of trust? Trump has shown multiple times that he is unpredictable. He could overturn agreements at any time.

Johann Wadephul:

I don’t think we should exaggerate the problems. The NATO Summit was a great success and demonstrated transatlantic unity and determination. Every day, US and European soldiers stationed here work shoulder to shoulder to ensure security in Europe. This is a solid foundation. The US Administration and the European countries also have the same positions on Russia’s war – namely that there can be no solution without Ukraine, there must be talks between Putin and Zelensky, and for the first time in the history of this war, the US has promised to help provide security guarantees. These are also President Trump’s positions.

t-online:

It certainly took long enough for Trump to come round to this point of view. As it is, the US Administration doesn’t have to fear much criticism from Europe at the moment. Can Germany only be assertive again in its dealings with Washington when it is standing on its own two feet in terms of security?

Johann Wadephul:

The crucial thing is that we are becoming more assertive. As a NATO member, we have decided to spend five percent of our GDP on our security in the future. We want to build up the strongest conventional army in Europe. We are already seeing how the defence industry in Europe, and especially in Germany, is really ramping up production. At the same time, we have completed the negotiations on a MERCOSUR agreement on free trade with Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay, and the free trade agreement with India will also make us far stronger. This means that the EU is becoming more resilient and tapping into new markets.

t-online:

So is Trump’s tariffs policy weakening the United States’ position as a global power and enhancing that of China?

Johann Wadephul:

You will certainly find many analysts in both Berlin and Washington who see it that way. As German Foreign Minister and a staunch transatlanticist, I say that this can and should be avoided.

t-online:

The US is also the key player in the Middle East as regards exerting influence on Israel. Your predecessor Annalena Baerbock endeavoured to bring about an end to the fighting in the region and you, too, have made huge efforts. Are there limits to what German foreign policy can achieve here?

Johann Wadephul:

I was never naive enough to believe that the conflict in the Middle East can be resolved quickly, but naturally I could not previously have imagined the dramatic escalation of Hamas’ terror attack and Israel’s anti-terror measures. The suffering on both sides and the numbers of victims are appalling.

t-online:

At the moment, many people are primarily shocked by Israel’s brutality. Must Germany take further political steps against the Israeli Government if it carries out its plans to attack Gaza City and drives forward its settlement policy in the West Bank?

Johann Wadephul:

We have halted the supply of weapons to Israel that could be used in the war in Gaza. In doing so, Germany has sent a clear message and had a greater impact than other countries’ mere declarations. I think this decision is sufficient for now. However, we are monitoring the situation very closely and liaising with our European partners on it.

t-online:

Even halting arms supplies was a shock to how your party defines itself and led to you being criticised by the party. Has the CDU now resolved the disagreement on this issue?

Johann Wadephul:

It’s a process. Many see themselves naturally and rightfully as close friends and partners of Israel. At the same time, it is also important to understand that the Israeli Government’s warfare in the Gaza Strip has led to huge numbers of deaths and injuries and to widespread starvation. This raises the legitimate question of whether this military operation is the right and wise approach. My party is continuing to discuss this.

t-online:

During the German Government’s first 120 days in office, there were also debates on poor communications coordination, for example, when you commented on future defence spending or the Bundeswehr’s possible participation in a peacekeeping mission in Ukraine. Did these conflicts arise because you were a bit hasty in some of your statements?

Johann Wadephul:

No. Imagine if we had an SPD Foreign Minister.

t-online:

What would that mean?

Johannes Wadephul:

You would be able to write a lot more about differences on wording, communication and political assessments. Given the number and intensity of the current conflicts, this would also be understandable. Friedrich Merz and I sing from the same hymn sheet and share the same views. In light of the current global situation, I see this as an advantage for our country.

t-online:

Why do you see the criticism of your statements as unjustified?

Johannes Wadephul:

Getting back to the examples you mentioned, the five-percent target I announced was agreed at the NATO Summit, so my statement merely outlined the logical achievement of what we jointly agreed. And of course Ukraine needs security guarantees, but it is still too early to talk about the form and scope of German involvement.

t-online:

Nevertheless, you did speak about this.

Johannes Wadephul:

Germany and Europe are currently discussing security guarantees, so one can express a view on this topic. By virtue of my role as Foreign Minister, I am the one who has to deal with this question even before the Chancellor does, including in talks with my counterparts in other countries. As I am the first person to be consulted, I have to take a stance on this question.

t-online:

Doesn’t the debate on the Bundeswehr’s capabilities come under the remit of Defence Minister Boris Pistorius?

Johannes Wadephul:

Of course it does. I also made it clear that Boris Pistorius is the only person who can answer these questions. My wording was very clear. I said that I think the question of Bundeswehr participation in security guarantees was worth considering. But it was already being discussed long before my comments on it.

t-online:

But wasn’t the timing of your comments inappropriate? After all, the Chancellor was about to have talks with Trump in Washington.

Johannes Wadephul:

No, it wasn’t. This topic was important long before the Chancellor’s visit to the White House. There had been a false report wrongly saying that I opposed Bundeswehr participation in security guarantees for Ukraine. I did not say that at any point. Once again, I urge restraint on this matter.

t-online:

Were you surprised during your first months in office by how much people react to or are angered by your statements?

Johannes Wadephul:

No, I wasn’t particularly surprised by this. I want to be a visible Foreign Minister – but not because I want to raise my own profile. I believe that the world needs to know where Germany stands. That is why I will sometimes say things that not everyone likes.

t-online:

However, this should be coordinated in the Government.

Johannes Wadephul:

Yes, of course. It must be coordinated in Germany and it should also be in Germany’s interest. I thought my statement on the five-percent target was right because we needed countries to take the lead in that situation. I am of the view that Germany must be clear in its security policy. Other countries still suspect us of not wanting to take clear measures against Russia. I wanted to show that this is not true.

t-online:

On a final note, I have a personal question. Many people have only known who you are since you were nominated for your current role. How did you experience becoming so well-known overnight?

Johannes Wadephul:

It wasn’t difficult for me. I have the privilege of living in an environment in Schleswig-Holstein that doesn’t get too excited about this. It is not a burden for me and nor has my private life changed much. The only thing is that I now have a lot less time for my family and friends, but that was to be expected. I feel very good in my new role.

t-online:

How do you manage to switch off from the ongoing flood of geopolitical crises?

Johannes Wadephul:

I like to run, swim and play tennis.

t-online:

What about hockey?

Johannes Wadephul:

No, I don’t play hockey, as you saw on Wednesday. I don’t play any team sports because I simply can’t make it to regular training sessions and matches. But I really enjoy doing individual sports. And I also feel happy and fulfilled when I can spend time with my family. That is the most relaxing thing of all for me.

t-online:

Thank you for talking to us today, Foreign Minister.

Interview: Patrick Diekmann