Esteemed colleagues, “moin”, and a warm welcome to this Ambassadors Conference.

In this challenging world, it is your observations that make my day‑to‑day work possible.

You are the eyes and ears of Germany around the world. You look closely. You listen carefully.

You, as the historian Karl Schlögel put it, understand the spaces in our world where history is being written.

This year, Karl Schlögel will be awarded the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade. Few other German intellectuals have warned as unflinchingly as he has against Russia’s aspiration to great power status under Vladimir Putin.

Karl Schlögel relies not only on reports and books, but travels to the region himself. To see things for himself, observe, take a measure of the atmosphere on the ground, see what is actually going on. Only then are we able to take action.

Esteemed colleagues,

I believe that it is precisely this that lies at the heart of our work, the craft of diplomacy: seeing things for yourself. Not in abstraction, but in patient work on the ground. In personal dialogue, reading between the lines. Taking a measure of the atmosphere, adopting different perspectives.

Diplomacy depends on being there, being involved – especially in the situation that we find ourselves in. Decades‑old certainties have evaporated. Our transatlantic relationship is changing.

We are witnessing a war in Europe. Russia is attacking our security order. What is more, Russia will continue its aggressive conduct and target us even more strongly – if we do not stop it from doing so.

I want to be quite clear about this: the future of Europe is being decided in Ukraine. It will be decided there whether it is possible to move borders through the use of force on the European continent. I’m pleased that President Trump is attempting to put an end to the dying in Ukraine.

At the same time, three weeks after the summit in Alaska, we have to acknowledge that Russia is finding every excuse to continue its war and avoid a trilateral summit.

In this situation, I’d also like to say that even though the guns aren’t yet silent and we don’t know when they will fall silent, Germany will, of course, contribute to security guarantees for Ukraine. It’s up to us. We must take much greater responsibility for our security.

We have already seen some initial successes.

Germany forged ahead and assumed a leading role prior to the historic decision of the NATO Summit in The Hague. I have made it clear from the outset that the five percent target or, more precisely, the 3.5 percent target in particular, is an absolutely necessary step – and a diplomatic success for the benefit of the strength and unity of the Alliance. It is a tangible sign that we in Germany are living up to our responsibility.

However, international pledges will remain hollow if they are not backed up by national decisions. With the amendments to the Basic Law in the spring, we, as a coalition, together with the democratic parliamentary groups in this country, were able to lay the groundwork for strengthening our security policy foundations. This wasn’t a matter of course either.

And now we’re experiencing a special situation this year with two budgets that the Bundestag will have to adopt more or less at the same time. But regardless of whether we’re talking about the budget for 2025, 2026 or – discussions about this are already underway – 2027, you can rely on me to make it clear that assuming responsibility costs money. Not only in defence, but also in foreign and security policy.

After all, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine isn’t the only trouble spot that we have to get to grips with. Rather, we’re witnessing simultaneous major conflicts. I’m thinking of the Middle East, of Israel, of the terrible situation in Gaza. Some 50 hostages are still in the clutches of Hamas. And the situation of the starving people in Gaza is becoming more unbearable each and every day.

I’m thinking of the catastrophic situation in the Sudan, of what is currently the world’s biggest humanitarian crisis.

I’m thinking of my counterparts who I’ll be meeting in New York at the end of this month who fear that their countries could fall completely victim to climate change.

I’m also thinking, however, of the great trends of our time.

The post‑war order is evaporating. And, at the same time, there is an increasing conflict of world powers between our Ally the United States and the People’s Republic of China, not only in the Pacific region, but almost on all continents, with impacts being felt also here in Europe.

Esteemed colleagues,

In order to remain capable of taking action in this situation and to be able to implement our goals, we must focus, concentrate and prioritise.

And that is why I believe that our actions must begin with the core interests of Germany and Europe.

With the triad that underpins my foreign policy agenda: security, freedom and prosperity.

These core interests are under pressure. Standing up for them is therefore the central task of our foreign policy.

Security is a concrete issue today. In today’s threat situation, security arises from deterrence and defence, from Alliance exercises and security guarantees. From defence expenditure right down to the last cent and from targeted arms cooperation and exports.

This Federal Government implements security policy pragmatically and with all its might – be it the establishment of the brigade in Lithuania, concrete armament projects with partners around the world, the development of our own capabilities in the field of long‑range high‑precision weapons, and not least the nascent return to conscription.

Security also means that we must bring our influence to bear in maintaining and developing the rules‑based global order – first and foremost the United Nations.

We’re currently in the crucial phase of our candidacy for the Security Council. Germany is once again applying for a non-permanent seat. Some – especially outside the foreign service – may ask themselves why we’re doing this at all. The Security Council is blocked and is a forum of dispute and not decision-taking. International law is under severe pressure and multilateralism is faltering.

I believe that this is precisely the reason why we have to be there!

The Security Council is the supreme truly global body for international security, which the world was able to agree to after a long history of violence – and for which there is still general consensus and support from all.

Germany belongs at this table as one of the key European powers.

Because we have something to contribute. Because we want to shape foreign policy in this world. Because we want to work for the security of us all. And because this is in our interests!

Because, especially when international law is under pressure and multilateralism is faltering, it is our responsibility to stand up to this resolutely.

And because, especially in an increasingly harsh geopolitical climate, membership of the Security Council opens up access to decisions, formats and information. Access that will remain open even years after our membership.

Nine months before the election, a concrete milestone is taking place in two weeks, namely the General Assembly in New York. I will travel there – and campaign for every vote; yes, I will fight for every vote.

But this candidacy is not a solo act for the Minister. It is a team task for all of us. Every single embassy, every consulate general, must ask itself: what can I do to ensure that my host country votes for us?

We are counting on each and every one of you. On your contacts. On your powers of persuasion. On your intuition. Esteemed colleagues, if I may be so bold: I’m counting on you to deliver!

One of the prerequisites for security is freedom.

Freedom – for us, this means that we must not allow ourselves to become too dependent.

If we source rare earths almost exclusively from China, then we have a problem. If we are critically dependent on a country whose economic model is based on unfair trading conditions and the strategic pursuit of technological dominance, then not only is our prosperity threatened, but also our freedom.

But if we only surround ourselves with like-minded people, our world may be friendly and conflict-free – but it will also be rather small and all the poorer for it.

One thing is clear, which is that the EU and NATO are and will remain the foundation of our foreign policy. And we will continue to do everything we can to strengthen both organisations and coordinate our efforts closely with our European and Alliance partners.

France, the United Kingdom, Poland and Italy, as well as other European partners and, of course, the United States, are at the forefront of this to my mind.

In view of the global challenges we face, this is no longer enough, however. In order to preserve our freedom, we seek partnerships with key countries around the world. This is why we build bridges with countries and societies that do not share our values in every respect – countries that think very differently from us.

But in them we find partners who are willing to work with us. For resilient and flexible relationships, especially with key countries that wield geopolitical or geo-economic influence.

And it must also be clear to us that these key countries aren’t waiting for us, nor do they have any reservations about working with countries that harm our interests.

Building bridges, maintaining partnerships, expanding or forging new ones – that is your core task, that is your core competence. You will be called upon to do even more in this regard in the future.

As Sebastian Haffner, one of the most astute observers of German history, once put it: freedom is never comfortable – but without it, everything is nothing. As I see it, this statement encapsulates the foundation on which our democracy and our community rest. And also our diplomatic service.

It’s also good news for our goal of preserving our freedom and strengthening human rights around the world that Thomas Rachel is now the first Federal Government Commissioner for Freedom of Religion or Belief here at the Federal Foreign Office. This is an opportunity for the Federal Foreign Office – because, as a diplomatic service, it goes without saying that we engage in dialogue with people where the most profound beliefs are involved. I therefore invite you to work together with him and all colleagues in this area in a spirit of trust.

In fact, esteemed colleagues, contact with the Members of the German Bundestag is, to my mind, absolutely vital. So please make sure you use this Ambassadors Conference as an opportunity to exchange views with the many Members of the German Bundestag who are joining us. I was delighted to see that almost all of the leaders of the parliamentary groups are taking part in our discussions. This is an excellent opportunity for exchange.

Allow me to come back to the triad.

Prosperity is also a prerequisite for our security.

And I want to quite clearly state that I believe this also includes preserving our natural resources, and thus means sustainable prosperity. This Federal Government has committed itself to the recovery of the German economy and the preservation of our prosperity as its central goal. And that is why business must not be a niche topic for the foreign service. It must be one of our priorities.

It must be a core task of our diplomacy to pave the way for the German business community abroad. As the Federal Foreign Office, we must make our contribution to greater German and European competitiveness.

When I travel to Japan, Indonesia and India, I do so not only because the European Union is currently negotiating a free trade agreement, which I very much support and welcome. I do so because it’s clear that our companies need new markets – and skilled workers!

The EU single market is not perfect, of course. We must continue to deepen it. Yet we not only have one of the largest single markets in the world, but it is also a superpower governed by the rule of law. And that also makes us one of the most attractive markets for our global partners right now.

There are also tangible aspects to this, such as the fact that I now regularly take business delegations with me on my trips. And I would like the issue of coherent foreign trade and investment promotion to be pursued with great commitment at all 225 missions abroad.

Esteemed colleagues,

Security, freedom, prosperity. The what and the why of our foreign policy are clear – but the how is also decisive. How do we translate these big objectives into daily action? First of all, by working together as the Federal Government.

This afternoon, the Federal Chancellor will speak here as a guest of honour. Incidentally, this is the first time in a quarter of a century that a Federal Chancellor has addressed an Ambassadors Conference. And I ask myself why is this virtually a first today.

Because you all know best that none of you are abroad to represent the Federal Foreign Office or the Foreign Minister. You’re there because you represent the policies of the entire Federal Government. And, unsurprisingly, these policies are led by the Federal Chancellor.

And what you do day in, day out at the missions abroad – acting as Team Germany, together with our colleagues from the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy, the Federal Ministry of the Interior, the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, the military attachés, the intelligence services, the German Chambers of Commerce Abroad and cultural professionals – is something we want to get better at here in Berlin, namely speaking with one voice and acting together.

The National Security Council is an important instrument for this as the interface between the ministries, the Länder and services. This is where we pool information. This is where we coordinate decisions. This is the foundation of our foreign policy.

But without the Federal Foreign Office and your expertise, this body won’t work. And that’s why a body such as this doesn’t mean a loss of importance for the Federal Foreign Office, but rather that the full expertise and clout of this ministry can be put to good use!

Esteemed colleagues,

We’re living in challenging times. And that’s why we must adapt our instruments to these times.

Communication has always been a key instrument of diplomacy. The way people communicate today has changed fundamentally, however. We must respond to this. Let me give you an example.

The topic with the most clicks in social media after the summit at the White House in mid‑August was President Zelensky’s suit. This may seem trivial and superficial to us. But it shows the extent to which symbols and images convey political messages worldwide.

Modern diplomatic service therefore also means that we must understand how communication works – and also how it no longer works today.

We must communicate strategically ourselves! Not in a diplomatic ivory tower – but where people listen to us. I therefore encourage you to make communication a leadership task. When people feel they know someone, they’re more open to listening. Communicate actively and courageously! Avail yourselves of our networks, be they alumni or influencers. This is the only way we can reach new partners. With “lines to take”, we’re trying to provide you with the language you need.

Modern foreign service also means equality and diversity. This isn’t a question of ideology or labels. It’s a question of fairness and professionalism.

That’s why the foreign service today consists of almost equal numbers of women and men – even if they’re still unevenly distributed across career strands and employee groups. And it goes without saying that aptitude, performance and ability must be at the heart of all recruitment and personnel development.

We want to attract the best talent to the foreign service, and we want to offer everyone in our ranks equal opportunities, the best possible development opportunities and reasonable working conditions.

A third issue is our internal culture, which is something that’s really important to me.

I recently had lunch at the canteen. I now have one of those payment cards – and yes, I’m aware they’re in very short supply. I probably had a slight advantage there.

After lunch, I came across the Schleswig-Holstein regulars’ table. I was permitted, and had the time, to join them and say “moin”.

Afterwards, many people told me that they’d never seen that before: a minister in the canteen. But I believe that this is part of everyday life, part of the identity of this ministry: cohesion and exchange across career strands and hierarchical levels. As heads of missions abroad, I would like to encourage you to do the same and, for example, host a brown‑bag lunch at your mission abroad!

In Kiel, we content ourselves with a fish sandwich.

Esteemed colleagues,

I would also like to do my part in leading in accordance with this principle – not least here at the Ambassadors Conference. I’ve put together a little programme of my own for listening to you and engaging in conversation with you.

And, finally, there’s prioritisation and focusing on results. We simply cannot afford to have you out there wasting your time on forms and writing one standardised report after another while the actual work is possibly postponed until the evening or the weekend.

That’s why we’re cutting red tape, simplifying procedures and digitising processes.

And yes, this also includes reducing leadership positions. This hasn’t made me popular everywhere. But I wish to state quite candidly that I want to recalibrate the distribution of personnel between Head Office and abroad and strengthen our presence abroad across the board.

This naturally has an impact on both the leadership level and Head Office.

Equally importantly, we must make time for what’s really important – for political analysis, for personal contacts, for shaping our partnerships, for following up on issues once the delegations from Germany have left. Everything else is secondary.

But in practical terms – and I know that I’m handling a hot potato here – this also means that if maintaining contacts on the ground at our missions abroad is our top priority, then presence and personal encounters must take precedence over working from home.

Cutting red tape, prioritising and deprioritising – this requires courage at all levels and also involves risk. And that’s a leadership task. Only in this way can we overcome the paralysing focus on processes and excessive red tape and start taking action. I would like to expressly encourage you to do just that.

Esteemed colleagues,

I said at the outset that the most important thing in our profession is to look closely.

Karl Schlögel taught us that if you want to understand, you have to visit the spaces where history is written. That’s your everyday life. You’re on the ground. You gather impressions that no report or document can replace. You give us the foundation on which we can make decisions.

Without you, without your craft, without your patience and your experience, German foreign policy would be blind and mute. That’s why I’m very much looking forward to the coming days with you all. And I will try, as far as the plenary schedule and my other commitments allow, to attend one or two practical workshops and contribute my perspective.

To hear what’s keeping you busy in the world.

To find out from you how we can get even better together. For me, that is what the next few days are all about.

Here’s to a successful Ambassadors Conference 2025!