“We either lose our dignity, or we lose a partner”. With its dramatic impact, the video recorded by the Ukrainian President on Friday evening in front of his official residence probably reminded many of us of the early days of the war.

Ladies and gentlemen, Europe’s key task is to ensure that Ukraine is not forced to make this decision. We’re pleased and grateful that our American partners continue to work so hard and with such commitment to end the killing in Ukraine. At the same time, it must be clear to us all that no decisions regarding the security of Ukraine and Europe can be made without the involvement of Ukrainians and us Europeans. We are Ukraine’s advocates on this continent.

The discussions we had over the weekend in Geneva on this matter were good. We welcome the willingness of the United States to further develop the proposal. This brings us closer to a peace proposal that is just, sustainable, and, above all, lasting.

Ukraine, facing a fourth winter of war, a fourth winter fraught with cold, darkness and killing at the front, desires peace. We all desire peace. But we don’t know today whether this wish will be fulfilled, whether there will at least be an immediate and unconditional ceasefire as an initial step. Because it depends first and foremost on the aggressor, Russia. An aggressor who chooses day after day to continue its unprovoked attack on its neighbour. That’s why it’s so vital that the current front line remains the starting point for negotiations. Because an aggressor like Russia must not be rewarded for its aggression. Otherwise, this aggression will escalate.

Even if fighting were to cease now, we would still be left with an imperial and aggressive Russia whose ambitions extend far beyond Ukraine. Russia has largely geared its economy and society towards war. At the same time, it’s recruiting more soldiers than it currently needs for its inhumane form of warfare in Ukraine. And by “more”, I mean nearly a division more each month. Divisions that, without a doubt, have also set their sight on us. On the EU. On NATO. Our intelligence services are telling us emphatically that Russia is at least keeping open the option of war against NATO. By 2029 at the latest.

The threat to our country posed by Russia is not a distant concern. It’s already a reality today, in a situation where Russia is increasingly blurring the line between war and peace with its hybrid warfare. In what leading think tanks call “Phase 0” of a Russian war against NATO: with drone flights, airspace violations, attacks, acts of sabotage, as well as propaganda and fake news campaigns.

And, ladies and gentlemen, all of this is happening in Europe against the backdrop of an ever more intense conflict between major powers, which also has concrete consequences for us. A conflict between an increasingly self-confident People’s Republic of China and our ally, the United States of America. An ally that, in view of the technological, economic, military, and not least ideological challenges presented by China’s rise, will progressively be moving its attention away from Europe, withdrawing its capabilities.

We’re witnessing humanitarian crises, generally man-made – in the Sudan or in the Gaza Strip.

At the same time, we are seeing the resources needed to address these crises dwindling worldwide. We’re seeing a decline in the willingness to cooperate internationally. We’re seeing the binding force of international law displaced in many cases by a confrontational style in international relations, by the ruthless pursuit of countries’ national short-term advantages, without compromise or cooperation. By a mindset which doesn’t consider the strength of the law to be decisive but, rather, regards strength as a synonym for the law.

To sum up, the situation in which the world finds itself has not been so threatening, crisis-ridden and challenging since the end of the Cold War. This situation is also reflected – as you pointed out, Mr Paulsen – in the survey data you collected with the Berlin Pulse. Some 72% of Germans are in favour of raising defence expenditure, while more than 80% of people in our country regard Russia as a military threat. The fact that the transatlantic relationship is changing is of concern to more than two-thirds of Germans.

In this situation, ladies and gentlemen, Germany must redefine its place in the world – at the heart of Europe.

Because if the world around us is changing so rapidly, we must also adapt our foreign and security policy to these new circumstances.

Ladies and gentlemen, in order to succeed, we must clearly and unequivocally define our own interests – and communicate them as a government in a fully coordinated manner. This wouldn’t alarm our partners. On the contrary, that’s what our partners expect of us. To me, these interests are clear. I’ve defined them in a triad of security, freedom and prosperity.

Translated into concrete political goals, this means the following for me: firstly, we have to work with our partners and allies to deter Russia from escalating hostile operations against NATO. This is the conditio sine qua non for our security.

Secondly, we must get our own economy running again in Germany and the EU. We have to free it from the dangerous dependencies into which it has fallen in recent years and decades. We must significantly diversify our sources of critical raw materials and inputs. We must make our economy more digital, less bureaucratic and more competitive.

Not least, we must make our Europe, our European Union, the foundation of our freedom, more resilient against threats from both outside and within. We must reform it, protect its fundamental principles, and, yes, we must enlarge it.

And I believe that if we spell out our interests in this way, we will thereby provide an answer to those who fear that an interest-led foreign policy is devoid of values. It’s not. For me, there’s no contradiction here. By defining our interests clearly and pursuing them with resolve, we’re also standing up for our values. Because our interests do not lie in the pursuit of short-term, one-sided advantages. We’re not deterring Russia just for the sake of it. We’re not investing in the future of our European Union as an end in itself. We’re doing it because what we want – security, freedom, prosperity – amounts to nothing more and nothing less than the desire to protect and promote our democratic community, built on the dignity and rights of every individual, as well as on international law.

Once we have clearly recognised our situation and formulated our interests, we will be able to align our diplomacy and our partnerships accordingly. Germany is a strong country, the world’s third-largest economy. Together with other European countries, we have one of the largest single markets in the world. That makes us attractive to partners.

As the history of the Federal Republic of Germany shows, building partnerships is part of our foreign policy DNA. In the current situation, this must once again include reaching out beyond our “traditional” allies. We also have to seek partnerships with those who sometimes hold different views. With those with whom we must make an effort. Whose positions may sometimes seem alien to us. But whom we cannot do without. We must always explore how we can come together – in our own interest.

This strategy has shaped my first few months in office. That’s why one of my first longer trips took me to India. It’s no secret that India looks at the world differently than we do. It maintains close ties with Russia, especially in the military sphere – and needs a lot of energy, including from Russia. A country that’s becoming an ever more powerful geopolitical player, talking to us and other allies in the same way it does within the BRICS Plus. A country that is currently sending probes to the moon and sees itself as the voice of the Global South. A country that wants to talk to all its partners on an equal footing and indeed demands this. And at the same time, a country that wants closer and deeper relations with us in all policy areas. Where many people attend German courses at the Goethe-Institut and hope to gain a foothold in our country as skilled professionals. That’s absolutely key to the diversification of our supply chains.

For this reason, I also travelled to Indonesia in the summer. That's why one of my first appointments in office was a meeting with my African Union colleagues. That’s why I invited my Nigerian counterpart for a session of the binational commission three weeks ago. That’s why I recently travelled to Colombia for the EU-CELAC Summit. Our attention is increasingly turning to this region not only with regard to the European Union's free trade agreement with the Mercosur countries, but also with regard to our supply chains and our economic resilience. That’s why I visited Bolivia, where the key issue of rare earths was on the agenda.

These are all countries that listen to our arguments, but certainly won’t simply adopt them. They don’t expect lectures from us. Instead, they want us to offer them something, for example greater cooperation on technology. And they won’t wait for us.

The same applies to the Gulf region, which I’ve visited three times since May. Where, in many ways, notions of state structures and society most certainly remain different from our own. But at the same time, these are countries that have embarked on a course of transformation, not only in the economic but also in the social sphere. They’re investing huge sums in the technologies of the future. They will play an important role in ensuring a resilient and independent energy supply for Europe in future. And as export-oriented countries in international networks, we share an interest in maintaining a rules-based international order. We all witnessed the crucial mediating role played by Qatar, for instance, in bringing about a ceasefire in Gaza. That’s why there have been significantly more diplomatic visits to the Gulf region since this government took office. And that’s why I’m pleased to have held the first strategic dialogue at ministerial level with Qatar in October.

However, ladies and gentlemen, we don’t need to look to other continents to see how crucial it is today to step outside the comfort zone of diplomacy. Rather, we see it in our immediate neighbourhood. Last week I visited the capitals of the six Western Balkan countries, where I also met our soldiers guaranteeing security there day after day. Thirty years after the Dayton Peace Agreement, and a quarter of a century after UN Security Council Resolution 1244, the region may have left war behind it, but by no means all the conflicts that once lay at its root. What unites the six countries – in all their diversity – is the shared prospect of EU accession. This is a promise we made to them in the 2003 Thessaloniki Agenda. The credibility of this promise remains a variable that determines the extent to which other geopolitical players, most notably Russia, can gain the access to Europe they are seeking.

However, despite the geopolitical necessity of EU integration for the Western Balkan countries, which has become the focus of even greater attention since 2022, the enlargement process remains performance-based. This is not an end in itself, but a prerequisite for the functioning of our European Union. Many people in the Western Balkans have high and justified expectations that their efforts on the path towards EU membership really will pay off. Combating corruption, promoting democracy and the rule of law remain important. That’s why we want to create synergies on the road towards accession and facilitate gradual integration. This includes, for example, a common regional market as a precursor to the single market – because people in the region need to see at an earlier stage and in a more tangible way that their reform efforts are worthwhile. We stand by this approach. We’re committed to it. As the largest bilateral donor, as a troop contributor, as a partner that provides support. We want to make this region in the EU’s inner courtyard a lasting success story. At the same time, our investment in the Western Balkans is not a favour, but in our own interest: only a secure and stable Western Balkan region guarantees a secure and stable Europe.

Ladies and gentlemen, in order to hold our own in the geopolitical environment we’re describing, we not only need to expand and deepen our global partnerships in our own interest – and make tailor-made offers that can compete with those of our competitors.

There are two more things we have to do. On the one hand, we must also support the system that has provided the framework for our international relations for the last eight decades: the United Nations. Which in recent years has fallen into, and it needs to be put this drastically, an existential crisis. It is in this context that we will stand for election next summer as a non-permanent member of the Security Council for the term 2027-2028. We’re doing this because we’re ready and willing to take responsibility for the many conflicts and crises and to help resolve them. And because – in our own interest – we want to work towards a world in which international relations continue to be governed by the UN Charter and the United Nations system.

On the other hand, however, as much as we need to “go out into the world” in the current situation – and you won’t be surprised to hear this from a conservative Foreign Minister – we must also nurture our long-standing, profound partnerships. And that means Europe and NATO. Our European neighbours, our core family, if you will, and the transatlantic relationship. And this also includes Japan, which I visited in August and from which we can still learn a lot when it comes to economic security. NATO and the EU are – and will remain – the bedrock of our foreign policy. A foundation that we want to strengthen in these times, guided by the maxim: remain transatlantic – but at the same time become more European as quickly as possible.

A foundation that has brought us decades of security, freedom and prosperity. This foundation will remain. But today, in the face of challenges that have never before in our lifetime coincided in this way, this foundation must be renewed and reinforced. This requires a joint effort by the entire Federal Government. It requires genuinely global partnerships. It requires considerable resources – because diplomacy and foreign policy are not a luxury. I’ll reiterate this tomorrow in my speech on the Federal Foreign Office budget for 2026.

It also requires a new diplomatic effort throughout the world. This, in turn, requires a modern German Foreign Service fit for the future – with the appropriate structures. To ensure this, we will make the structures of the Foreign Office more effective and reorganise them – a process we’re starting now. Because we want to actively shape the future, not simply react to it.

Ladies and gentlemen, Germany wants to and indeed must assume responsibility in foreign and security policy and commit itself fully. And I firmly believe that our country is capable of doing so. Global partnerships will help us.

Because we never view our foreign policy as a one-man show, but always as teamwork with partners around the world.

Thank you.