In a statement at the Federal Foreign Office in Berlin today (01.03.) Federal Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock spoke about Germany’s solidarity with Ukraine and presented a six-point plan to enhance Ukraine’s and Europe’s security:

“Many of you will have slept badly last night after watching the unspeakable video from the White House. Me too, to be honest.

Unfortunately, it was not just a bad dream, it is harsh reality. Today, we are more horrified than ever, but also more committed. More committed to the people in Ukraine, to our own security and to peace in Europe.

Yesterday evening really made it clear that a new age of ruthlessness has begun.

A ruthless time, in which we have to defend the rules-based international order and the strength of the law more than ever against the might of the strong. For otherwise no free country with more powerful neighbours will ever sleep well at night again.

It has been clear for a while that things have been moving in this direction, and therefore we have for quite some time been forging new, reinforced alliances with all international partners who are willing to continue defending a rules-based international order and the strength of the law instead of the law of the strong.

We must, as Europeans, lead more strongly ourselves than ever before and defend our interests and international law with determination – with no ifs or buts.

For us, it is thus clear that we stand unwaveringly shoulder to shoulder with the sovereign and free country of Ukraine. Ukraine is part of the free and democratic Europe.

There is absolutely no question as to who in this war against Ukraine is the brutal aggressor, and who the courageous defender, about who is the culprit and who the victim.

Three years ago, Putin’s Russia attacked Ukraine without reason, contrary to international law, murdering people in horrific ways, brutally raping women, kidnapping children, separating parents from their children – and this terror continues to this day. A renowned Ukrainian journalist was only recently killed by a drone in her own home in Bucha, close to Kyiv. This latest wave of aerial warfare continues unabated every day and every night.

I thus state unequivocally, also addressing those across the Atlantic, that what is right and what is wrong must never be a matter of indifference to us.

Nobody needs and nobody yearns for peace more than the Ukrainians. The diplomatic efforts of the US are of course important in this regard – but any such peace must be just and lasting, and not simply a pause before the next Russian hostilities.

Nobody should be unclear as to who the enemy is. The only enemy is in the Kremlin, not in Kyiv or in Brussels.

Reversing the roles of victim and culprit is something we can never accept. Such a reversal of roles is the opposite of security. It is the opposite of peace, and therefore cannot be a good deal at all.

Such a role reversal would spell the end of international law and thus also the end of security for the vast majority of states.

And, thinking it through, it would also be fatal for the future of the United States. Because it would then be hard to find a country willing to rely on the word of the oldest democracy and the strongest military power in the world, if the roles of culprits and victims were to be reversed.

That is precisely what we do not want. We want to preserve the transatlantic partnership and our joint strength. But yesterday showed once again that we Europeans must not be naive, especially as transatlanticists. We must take responsibility for our own interests, our own values and our own security, for the sake of our people in Europe.

Six elements are now key:

- Firstly, we must increase our German support for Ukraine once again – without delay.

I thus call on all democratic parties in the Bundestag to approve the blocked 3 billion euro in aid for Ukraine.

- Secondly, next Thursday, the European Council, the Heads of State and Government of the EU countries, will meet in Brussels.

Decisions must be taken there on a comprehensive European financial package for Ukraine, for humanitarian, economic and especially defence support.

– Thirdly, we must finally not only coordinate matters hand in hand with our close partners France, the UK and Poland, but must also take closely coordinated action. We must stand absolutely united. That is true as regards enhancing Ukrainian air defence, as well as for the delivery of long-range arms systems for defence purposes.

These three elements will help Ukraine continue to withstand Russia’s aggression, even without the announced US support – or the potential loss thereof – in order to achieve peace and not capitulation.

– Fourthly, our best defence against Putin’s aggression is united European strength. That alone will establish and safeguard peace in Europe.

If we fail to achieve this, Putin's forces might soon be in the Baltic region or even directly on the doorstep of our Polish neighbours. We cannot ignore this reality any longer.

At the European Council, therefore, decisions on massive investments are needed with regard to our common European defence capabilities, among other things.

That is why I am deeply committed to ensuring that the European Council takes appropriate action by increasing the flexibility of the Stability and Growth Pact.

For some countries that already have a high level of national debt and little leeway in their budgets, this will not be enough, however. As Europeans, we therefore should also discuss a European defence fund that reflects the gravity of these challenges.

But we cannot stop there. Further action will be necessary and will be taken in the coming months – both at the national and European level. We must send a powerful signal of European resolve no later than at the NATO Summit in The Hague.

- Fifthly, I believe this means that democrats in Germany need to come together to discuss the fundamental reform of the debt brake, as was already planned in the National Security Strategy as part of security considerations two and a half years ago.

I am aware that there is currently a discussion about creating another special fund. However, as experience has shown – since we already have a special fund – it is the less favourable option: it will not help Ukraine. And we cannot use it for all the aspects that are critical to our defence, such as countermeasures against hybrid attacks or cyber threats. In the Federal Government's National Security Strategy, we explicitly stated what this ongoing hybrid warfare means for our security. To be precise, hybrid attacks also aim to divide our free and democratic society. In other words, investments in our infrastructure, in the cohesion of our society, and in our democracy, are all in fact investments in our security, because Putin has reiterated in recent times that the objective of his hybrid warfare is also and specifically to sow division among the liberal and free societies in Europe.

- Sixthly, even though this may be the most heated moment since the end of the Cold War, we must continue to act with restraint and a cool head.

That means, among other things, that we will continue to regard investments in our European security to be investments in our transatlantic relations as well. A lasting peace for Ukraine is far more likely to be achieved with Washington rather than without it, let alone in opposition to it.

In all of this, we have no time to lose. We must now act quickly – both at the European and national level. We cannot afford to wait until a new Federal Government is formed, as the situation is serious.

Germany must assume leadership at this historic juncture. In the weeks leading up to the transfer of power in Berlin, all democratic parties should act accordingly with the closest possible coordination between the outgoing and the incoming Federal Government. The world is watching us, especially in Europe, but no one in the world will wait for us to conclude negotiations here in Germany. We are living in uncertain times, ladies and gentlemen. In these moments, in these days, however, if we set the right course again in Germany and in Europe, as we did three years ago, then Europe will show what truly defines it at its core: a strong peace project.

Peace in liberty for its millions of citizens. A peace project that shines as an example for the world. Slava Ukraini. Long live Europe!”