Question:

Less than 81 years after the Holocaust, Germany uses an Israeli missile system to protect the lives of its citizens from potential threats. What feelings does this evoke in you today, on International Holocaust Remembrance Day?

Johann Wadephul:

Eighty-one years ago today, on 27 January 1945, the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration and extermination camp was liberated. Auschwitz embodies the monstrous crime of the Shoah, a crime planned and carried out by Germans, on orders given in German. It is our responsibility – and also my responsibility as Foreign Minister – to uphold the memory of this immeasurable injustice.

It forms the basis of a central lesson of our past: our commitment to Israel’s existence and security. This is an unchangeable core principle in our relations with Israel. Today Israel, the state where victims of the Shoah found refuge, also contributes to Germany’s security. A tangible expression of this is the purchase of the Arrow 3 air defence system from Israel. I am humbled to think that this is actually possible today.

Question:

The younger generation’s commitment to the Holocaust is weakening, and Germany’s youth are voting more than ever for parties representing the far left, Die Linke, and the far right, AFD. Are you concerned that in the future a young German generation will arise that forgets the Holocaust and loses the ability to understand the lessons of the Holocaust and World War II?

Johann Wadephul:

The rise of right-wing parties in particular across Europe concerns me greatly. The support that they are finding among young people is especially worrying.

And I am shocked by the fact that many young people have never heard of the Shoah. In Germany that applies to more than one in ten teenagers and young adults. That is something we urgently need to change. In some European countries the figures are even higher. It shows that remembrance is not something that can be taken for granted. We need to work every day anew to keep the memory alive.

At a time when hardly any eyewitnesses to the Shoah are still alive, this is becoming more difficult every year. One way in which we as the Federal Government are responding to this is by developing a new concept for our memorial sites. In this area, we are also focusing more strongly on digital formats to keep the memory alive.

Question:

Many Jews in Germany today are afraid to wear a kippah on the street or wear a Star of David necklace, while Israelis visiting Germany are afraid to speak Hebrew in certain areas, including in the city of Berlin. Of course, this phenomenon is not unique to Germany and occurs in other places around the world, but it’s difficult to disconnect from the historical aspect. Therefore, what can be done to make Jews feel comfortable with their identity in Germany?

Johann Wadephul:

In the past two years, the number of crimes with an antisemitic background in Germany has reached a new peak. The fact that Jews are saying, “I no longer feel safe in Germany,” or that they are warning their children not to speak Hebrew in public, shames me to the depths of my soul. That is why the Federal Government is taking a clear, firm and rigorous stand against all forms of antisemitism.

Jews are a natural and integral part of our society – and I want them to be able to feel that this is so without any reservation.

Question:

Germany has led the European effort over the past decade to absorb refugees from the Middle East. This move cannot be disconnected from the outbreaks of antisemitism across the continent, particularly in the period after the 7 October massacre. How can values of tolerance toward Jews be instilled among immigrants from these regions as well?

Johann Wadephul:

At the latest since 7 October 2023, our country and other countries in the world have been experiencing a shameful and intolerable wave of antisemitism. We have seen that in the two and a half years since that tragic day, empathy and solidarity with Jews have been replaced to some extent by a lack of understanding and insinuations.

Criticism of any government policy is legitimate and sometimes necessary. This German Government takes the same approach to this as its predecessors. However, criticism of an Israeli Government cannot be allowed to automatically mean criticism of the State of Israel, let alone of all Jews! Particularly in Germany, we have and will retain a historical responsibility to distinguish between these aspects.

Every single antisemitic incident in Germany must spur us on to expand – not reduce – our engagement in education and remembrance work.

Question:

You are known as a friend of Israel who also criticised the decisions of the previous Government led by Chancellor Olaf Scholz that decided on a weapons embargo against Israel, and yet, at some point in the war, the current Government also decided on a partial weapons embargo. Can you describe the moment when the Government decided on the embargo? The considerations, concerns, etc.?

Johann Wadephul:

You’re referring to the Chancellor’s decision in August 2025. Decisions such as these are always weighed up very carefully. And it is important to see the context in which they are taken. The Federal Government’s actions in summer last year followed a decision by the Israeli Security Cabinet to take even tougher military action in Gaza, especially in Gaza City – at a time when the humanitarian situation was already catastrophic. The partial restriction of arms exports that was decided at that time therefore sent a clear political message that we did not agree with this concrete decision taken by the Israeli Government. And I am convinced that this message was also received.

Question:

Despite enormous pressure from other European countries and from protesting crowds that took to the streets, Germany continued to support Israel in European Union institutions and prevented the imposition of severe sanctions against Israel. How significant was the pressure on the German Government to impose sanctions, and why the Government continues to resist it?

Johann Wadephul:

The constant need for coordination is perfectly normal given that there are 27 EU member states. For me, it has always been and remains clear that Germany is Israel’s natural ally. As the Federal Government we express any criticism, suggestions and demands through direct communication channels. This was and is always possible, especially thanks to my good relationship with Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar and the trust between us. Even though several EU member states adopted a very different stance, Germany’s position was always respected and there was consensus that the priority was to achieve a ceasefire as soon as possible in order to free the Israeli hostages and improve the humanitarian situation in Gaza. These demands were incidentally shared by many people in Israel.

This ceasefire has been achieved in the meantime – through arduous and persistent negotiations. Now the task is to ensure this achievement is preserved. It is now crucial that the institutions that have received the mandate from the UN Security Council are able specifically to maintain security in Gaza, and that daily life in Gaza can be managed by the Palestinians themselves, without Hamas.

Question:

Will Germany continue to purchase defence systems and combat means from Israel and sell weapons to Israel?

Johann Wadephul:

Of course, because it is in the interests of our own security and that of Israel. The Federal Government makes every decision regarding arms exports on its own merits, but Israel is an exceptional partner in our cooperation in this field.

Question:

Germany supports the idea of two states for two peoples. How realistic is it still? Why did the German Government choose not to recognise a Palestinian state at this time?

Johann Wadephul:

For Israel to be able to live in peace and security, the region has to settle down. I’m convinced of this. The prospect of a two-state solution is the best chance for both Israelis and Palestinians to be able to live in peace, security and dignity. From our perspective, there is no other realistic prospect for lasting peace. That is why the two-state solution must not be thwarted.

And at the same time, we say that recognition of a Palestinian state should only occur at the end of a negotiation process. For there is no point in such a state existing only on paper. It must also be capable of functioning. Germany is still willing to constructively flank a negotiation process. What’s important now is to disarm the Hamas terrorist organisation. I find it difficult to assess how realistic that is. If that succeeds, it will be possible to reach an understanding.

Question:

To what extent is the German Government, which adopts the concept of „Staatsräson,“ concerned that the Iranian regime has made it its banner to destroy Israel, and what is Germany doing to help Israel deal with this threat?

Johann Wadephul:

Germany stands clearly and unequivocally alongside Israel. We have repeatedly drawn attention to the Iranian regime’s destructive role in the region, directed against Israel. It therefore was and remains clear that Iran must never acquire a nuclear weapon. Together with the E3 partners (France and the United Kingdom), Germany has consistently used diplomatic means to counter the threat posed by Iran’s nuclear programme. The Vienna nuclear agreement formula was quite simple: lifting sanctions in exchange for restrictions on the nuclear programme. When it became clear that Iran was ignoring its commitments under the agreement and despite intensive diplomacy was making no effort to comply with them again, we used the tools at our disposal and reimposed sanctions. That shows where we stand and how we act.

Question:

Alongside the Israeli people’s support for the Iranian people fighting for freedom, and alongside participation in the human tragedy occurring in Iran, there are quite a few voices in Israel and among diaspora Jews pointing to a double standard regarding the attitude of the media and protesters in European capitals, who don’t come out en masse for the values of freedom and the rights of the Iranian people, but did come out to demonstrations against Israel, even immediately after the 7 October massacre, even before Israel’s military response and ground entry into Gaza. What is your opinion on the protests in Iran and the manner of their suppression? What is your opinion on this feeling of “double standards” existing among elements in the Jewish world?

Johann Wadephul:

I don’t entirely share that view. There is enormous solidarity in Germany with the protesters in Iran. I can see it in my constituency, but I also hear it from other deputies and from our ministry, the Federal Foreign Office, of the tens of thousands of letters from concerned people. After all, the news coming from Iran in recent weeks is shocking. Even the regime itself spoke of 5000 people killed in the attempts to suppress the protests. The true figure is probably much higher.

Let me be completely clear: a regime that resorts to shooting at its own people has forfeited every vestige of legitimacy. This is why we are now working in Brussels to add the Revolutionary Guards, who played a significant role in suppressing the protests, to the European Union’s terror list. And, together with partners, we succeeded in arranging a special session of the UN Human Rights Council last Friday to extend the fact-finding mission’s mandate. Our goal is to ensure that the crimes that have been committed do not go unpunished.