When the new German Government took office some four months ago, you, Margus, published a statement as Estonian Foreign Minister that was a colossal compliment.

You said, and I quote:

“During geopolitical uncertainty, the unity of European allies is more important than ever. Germany is the cornerstone of European Union unity, democratic values and the international rules-based order.”

You know, I come from the northernmost part of Germany, I also live at the shores of the Baltic Sea. People in my country say that we Northerners aren’t given to showing strong emotions.

So, my response to this, naturally, is:

Well, thank you.

But seriously: as much as we Northerners don’t know how to take a compliment, I want to use this opportunity today to go against the stereotype.

Not only to talk about German achievements.

But to talk about my heartfelt appreciation of Estonia.

Before becoming Foreign Minister, especially as head of the German delegation to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, I have often sought out the counsel and expertise of our Baltic friends.

Because I think that we in Germany have a lot to learn from you. Most of all:

The Baltic immunity to falling for illusions.

For a long time, one of the illusions my country put way too much stock in was that geopolitics was somehow a nasty thing of the past.

That business ties and pipelines could plaster over fundamental differences with those who oppose our most basic values.

With those who go against international law, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

I am, of course, talking about Russia. I am talking about the wake-up calls that we missed.

And about the one my country finally received in 2022.

If an Estonian Foreign Minister feels comfortable today saying that Germany is a cornerstone of European unity, democratic values and the international rules-based order, I feel immensely proud.

Because it not only speaks to the breadth and depth of our bilateral relations, and our friendship, as partners and Allies in the European Union and NATO.

But because it is also a testament to how far my country has come since 2022. In getting rid of illusions that we probably held for too long.

We have, at least in absolute terms, become Ukraine’s biggest supporter in Europe, with military support totaling about 40 billion Euro since 2022.

We have just pledged up to an additional 500 million Dollars to purchase US arms for Ukraine through NATO.

Over the course of the next decade, my country will make the single biggest investment into our Armed Forces since reunification.

And just yesterday, our Cabinet passed a law on reinstating voluntary conscription by the end of the year.

We were able to rally European Allies under the Sky Shield Initiative.

And we have, of course, taken on more and more responsibility for the security of our Baltic Allies. With our contributions to NATO’s Baltic Air policing, as well as a Bundeswehr brigade permanently stationed in Lithuania.

We Germans have shed many illusions.

But you Estonians never had time for illusions.

Not only because Russian imperialism, Soviet occupation, and in many cases, deportation, are the lived experience of many families that call this country home.

Not only because you have a moving memorial in your capital engraved with the names of the tens of thousands who perished under communist occupation.

But also, because you have been facing up to Russian destabilisation attempts for 35 years, since regaining independence.

Facing up to cyberattacks.

To malignant disinformation.

To imperial rhetoric.

Getting rid of one’s illusions is tough. And for many of us in Europe, it is a process that is still going on.

We have by now come to terms with the fact that the global post-war order is coming apart, and that a war of aggression is ongoing on the European continent.

And you, Margus, together with our colleagues from Lithuania and Latvia, reminded us of a simple fact two weeks ago, in an article in the Financial Times, shortly before the Alaska summit between President Trump and the Russian President:

That for the millions of Ukrainians living close to the front lines, territorial control is not a theoretical issue.

It is about whether or not they live under the daily terror of torture, imprisonment and mass surveillance.

That for the thousands of Ukrainian children abducted from their homeland to Russia, this is about whether or not there will be a pathway home, to their families.

And that, from your historical experience, and I quote, “once Russia gains control, the cost of reversing it may be measured in decades of human suffering.”

I am convinced that in these historic weeks for European security, it is this clarity that we need going forward.

It is this Baltic immunity to illusions.

We appreciate President Trump’s endeavour to end the bloodshed, as much as we insist on our joint goal of a just and lasting peace.

A settlement cannot reward the aggressor.

And I’m not only saying this for moral reasons. But because it is our own, core security concern.

Because it would be an illusion to think that security will be restored on our continent, if Putin feels he has got his way.

This is why we, the European Allies, led by Chancellor Merz, have made very clear that no decisions on Ukraine can be taken without Ukraine.

That Ukraine needs robust security guarantees as well.

And while talks with the US on its contribution to such security guarantees are ongoing, there is another illusion that we should not fall for:

The illusion that others will take it on themselves to bear the main responsibility for our European security.

We, Europe, will have to shoulder the brunt of the burden.

And Estonia is showing the way in this.

With combat-ready Estonian troops soon stationed at a base in Narva, to face off Russian provocations.

But also with regard to military spending.

When NATO Allies pledged to achieve 5 percent at our Summit in The Hague this summer, it was a commitment to get there by 2035.

But Estonia will get there by the end of this year.

And Estonia is, of course, one of the biggest supporters of Ukraine in relative terms.

But, and this is my second point, we must also not give in to the illusion that our European Union can stay the way it is, that we can simply “muddle through” in these geopolitical circumstances.

We are well aware that whatever Russia sees as a “grey zone”, it also sees as an invitation to meddle and destabilise.

We are aware that this has made the enlargement of the European Union a geopolitical necessity – and our shared interest.

That, after criteria are met, Ukraine, Moldova and the Western Balkans need to be firmly anchored in the European family – where they belong.

But we must be honest: enlargement cannot be a simple copy-paste from previous enlargement rounds.

With 18 successive rounds of sanctions against Russia, we have shown that the EU can speak with one voice, when it matters most.

But you and I know: getting there was often an excessively difficult task.

And that is why enlargement must come with reform – both within the countries in the accession process and within the EU itself.

Because our unity is not a given. It must be protected. And it must be strengthened.

The EU must remain capable of acting swiftly and decisively. Capable of moving forward.

Capable of defending our values and interests.

And that is why Germany supports an enlargement of the EU that goes hand in hand with a reform process.

In our view, this should include a careful introduction of qualified majority voting in some policy areas.

And let me be clear: naturally, there need to be safeguards.

Together with others, Germany is working on possible solutions in an inclusive Group of Friends.

Because we need a reform that strengthens, but does not fragment, the EU. But I think we can agree that in questions of security, we cannot allow for 26 member states to permanently be held back by one.

And let me be clear: such a reform is not merely about changing voting procedures.

The values enshrined in the European treaties underpin the EU’s identity.

And the rule of law is our European backbone.

But Article 7, our instrument for safeguarding the rule of law in every member state, is practically toothless right now.

And that’s why I am convinced that we need to further develop the Rule-of-Law Conditionality.

It needs to become a tool for effectively sanctioning violations of the EU’s fundamental values.

Colleagues,

There is another stereotype about people from Northern Germany:

that we’re not ones to talk for hours on end.

And that is one cliché I do want to live up to today.

Because I am looking forward to entering into our discussion and hearing back from the diplomatic corps of Estonia.

But as a means of closing, let me say this:

We live in challenging and deeply uncertain times. But what gives me confidence is this:

None of us needs to face them alone.

Because we’re EU partners, NATO Allies – and we’re friends.

Because we share deep bonds and an enduring commitment to the freedom and security of our people.

And even for a Northerner like me, that is one reason to be a tiny bit emotional.

Thank you.