I am, we are, really honoured and grateful to be given such a warm welcome on this special occasion here in Zagreb.

It is just another German in Croatia in August. You, Gordon, mentioned it: millions of Germans spent the holidays here in Croatia. They love this country; they love the spirit. Unfortunately, only a few of them speak Croatian. But you, Gordon, speak German. Because you are the former Ambassador of your country to Germany. And that was really remarkable - coming from Croatia to a very grey Berlin, weathering the politeness of true Berliners, trying curry sausage and sauerkraut.

We fondly remember your engagement in Germany, and I would really like to thank you for your personal investment in our bilateral relations, not only between the two of us, but between our countries. Thank you, Gordon, for that.

And of course, esteemed colleagues, I am really delighted to have the chance to speak to you, the diplomatic leaders of Croatia today, even before I will address my own Ambassadors’ conference in Berlin in two weeks’ time.

Because you are right, we have really strong bilateral relations. They are not only based on tourism and a Croatian foreign minister who speaks German, but also on a lively Croatian diaspora in Germany and thriving economic cooperation. Over the course of the last decade, German trade with Croatia has grown stronger than with any other member state in the European Union.

You joined the European Union and the Euro zone. And now you are looking forward to OECD-membership. We are EU partners. We are NATO allies, and we try to be helpful that you achieve this goal as soon as possible.

And I would like to introduce our new ambassador, Mr. Hector, here to Zagreb, to Croatia. He is a very experienced Ambassador of Germany and I am really looking forward to have him posted here. You have a very good and appreciated member of my team.

Esteemed colleagues, we are facing multiple challenges at the same time. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine has taught us that imperial warfare in Europe is no longer a chapter from history books. It has taught us that our joint European effort is indispensable to support Ukraine in its legitimate self-defense, and to keep up the pressure on Russia. Because this war is not only directed against Ukraine, but against the very principles of sovereignty and international law, against the fundamental values of the European Union.

And while I am convinced that our transatlantic partnership will remain a very important and trusted alliance, as last week's meeting in Washington showed once again, we also need to admit that it is not free from tension at the moment. We now understand that geopolitical and geo-economic challenges demand a more careful balance of our economic interdependencies, even between friends. This means that the EU as a whole, as well as its individual members, have to double down in their efforts to strengthen the EU's prosperity.

And we also take on a greater responsibility for our own security and defense. That is why, at the last NATO summit, we committed to increasing our defense spending to 5 percent of GDP per year.

Moreover, the ongoing escalation in the Middle East, you mentioned it, is testing our ability to speak with one voice in Europe. For my country, this means while sticking to our unwavering commitment to Israel's security and its right to defend itself, we are, at the same time, voicing our profound humanitarian concern for the people in Gaza and the threat to the lives of the hostages. Our credibility as a global European actor depends on consistency in defending international law, opposing terror, and protecting civilian lives. In our view, the decision by the Israeli cabinet to take over Gaza City and intensify ground operations does not promote either of those goals.

Our joint preparedness is the order of the day, that applies not only to the most pressing crises, but also to the challenges arising from new technologies. Cyberattacks are targeting the nerve system of our digitized economies. State-sponsored and sometimes AI-powered disinformation campaigns aim to undermine the very core of our democracies. It was no coincidence that shortly after the new German government took office, when the Chancellor was on his trip to Kyiv, together with President Macron and Prime Minister Starmer, to reaffirm our unwavering support to Ukraine, Russia tried to seize the moment by flooding the internet with silly disinformation about the visit. Sure, this time it was especially easy to spot, but that does not mean this will always be the case.

These new threats do not remain confined to the digital world. They are also disrupting supply chains, eroding public trust, and attempting to fracture the unity that holds our societies together. While this reminds us that we need to keep up with emerging challenges, the overall geopolitical situation brings me to two fundamental conclusions.

Firstly, the European Union must take on greater responsibility on the global stage. And secondly, in order to make that possible, we will have to both reform and enlarge our union in times of global fragmentation.

A retreat to national egoism is simply not an option. On the contrary, the EU can only be strong if we stand together internally – and if we invest in our global partnerships. This is one of the reasons why I just visited East and Southeast Asia. We Europeans, the 27 member states, will only be able to thrive if we are and act united. We already faced this reality on several occasions, not least during the Covid pandemic, when we stood together and mitigated the worst economic consequences by setting up a European recovery plan.

Similarly, our support to Ukraine is unwavering. Whether by military, political or financial means, or with 18 successive rounds of sanctions against Russia. This shows that Europe and the EU can speak with one voice when it matters most.

But our unity is not a given. It must be protected. It must be strengthened and it must be made fit for the future. I am convinced that when it comes to the future of Europe, Croatia and Germany stand side by side, not just as partners, but also as visionaries. As the latest EU member to join in 2013, Croatia knows that our strength grows when our community grows. And at the same time, the crises of our time have taught us that Russia sees our immediate vicinity as a playground to meddle with and to destabilise.

In other words, the enlargement of the European Union is a geo-political necessity. It is about extending our Union of freedom, security and prosperity. It is about anchoring the Western Balkans, Ukraine and Moldova firmly in the European Union family, where they belong. This is why we are jointly supporting the Western Balkans Six on this path in the Berlin Process, and why Croatia is hosting this year's Green Agenda Ministerial in Dubrovnik.

But this is also the reason why we need reforms, why future member states need to adapt to the rules of the Union and why we, the current EU 27, must ask ourselves: are our own rules still fit for purpose? Because we need to ensure that our Union remains capable of acting swiftly and decisively, capable of moving forward, capable of defending our values and interests.

That is why Germany supports an enlargement that goes hand in hand with internal EU reforms in various policy areas. Some member states have expressed concerns about moving too quickly in this regard. Germany hears them. At the same time, the world around us is changing, and the EU needs to become an even more competitive and more resilient global player.

When it comes to qualified majority voting, we agree: in order to actually achieve its benefits, we will have to implement safeguards. Because we need reforms that strengthen, not fragment our Union. However, I think that given our recent experiences, we agree on the profound disadvantage of having 26 member states that permanently need to find ways to work around one.

Ans also countries in the accession process need to adapt to the rules of the Union. In doing so, they can rely on our support. Because reforming judicial systems, fighting corruption, aligning legislation and building public trust on the way to joining the EU are challenging steps. Croatia has been a member in the EU for 12 years already, and at the same time, it is the most recent witness to both the challenges and the benefits of accession. That experience is not only valuable. It is strategic and crucial. Croatia can speak to the countries of the Western Balkans, not as someone making abstract demands, but from real life experience. You can motivate. You can advise. You can inspire. Croatia is therefore not just a bridge between EU members, member states and the countries in the accession process. It is also a mentor, a model and yes, a multiplier of European ambition in the region. Germany counts on you on that role and we stand ready to support you.

Esteemed colleagues,

The world is not standing still. It is moving fast. We are faced with shifting alliances, emerging technologies and hybrid threats. All of this affects how we live, how we govern, how we conduct diplomacy. Which is why we must not only look at the inner workings of our European Union, but also at how we can make our foreign services match the pace of this change. Our profession is changing. We are expected to be crisis managers, negotiators, strategists and more than ever communicators all at once. That too requires internal reforms, not just of treaties, but of mindsets, structures and habits.

One of my central priorities as German Foreign Minister is to promote real prioritization. We cannot do everything, everywhere, all at the same time. Not in Berlin, not in Zagreb, not in Brussels. We must focus. We must be strategic. We must preserve our energy for what truly matters. I firmly believe that in time of automated disinformation campaigns, it is essential that we, that you, dear colleagues, counteract false information with strategic communication at home and around the globe. To protect our democracies and to protect true information and facts. This is why my ministry is putting a renewed focus on StratCom. For example, with a dedicated colleague on the Western Balkans at our Embassy in Belgrade.

And this is why it is essential that we make our national foreign services and the European External Action Service future-proof and ready for this task. As Team Europe.

The challenges we Europeans face are immense, but the tools we have are also powerful. And among the most powerful of them is the friendship and the partnership between our European member states, such as Croatia and Germany. Let's continue to build on that friendship with honesty, with trust, and with a clear conviction that a Europe united, a Europe reformed, and a Europe enlarged is the best answer to a divided world.