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The Baltic Sea is my home.

Whenever I look at it, I feel vastness and freedom.

But I also feel a deep sense of connectedness.

On a clear day, from the quays and beaches of Kiel, you can see our European neighbours. The ferries from Gothenburg, Oslo or Tallinn.

But today, the view of this Sea has changed.

If you look through the window to your right, you can see many more “grey ships” than you could just a few years ago – naval vessels from across the NATO alliance.

They are here for one reason: To protect us.

Because the Baltic Sea has become a dangerous geopolitical hotspot.

A zone where the threat of military confrontation is real.

A zone where Russia’s aggressive hybrid activities are undermining our peace and security.

We have to realize: The Baltic Sea is a key region for the security of Europe.

We see ships dragging their anchors across the seabed to damage undersea data and energy cables.

Russian freighters loitering near German ports – suspected of serving as launch platforms for surveillance drones.

Russian security forces removing frontier buoys in Estonian waters overnight.

Russian warships acting aggressively – and Russian planes violating NATO airspace with growing frequency.

These hybrid operations and military provocations are dangerous.And they follow a pattern.

They are designed to destabilise our societies and to test our ability to respond.

President Putin understands the geostrategic importance of the Baltic. And he is constantly probing for weak spots.

That is why we are here – to ask: How can we keep this region safe? How can we make sure that the Baltic Sea remains a Sea of connectedness and cooperation

– rather than one of confrontation and conflict?I would like to highlight three areas that I believe are crucial.

First: We need a strong and flexible military and security presence in the Baltic Sea region.

That is why exercises like BALTOPS are so important, where more than 9000 soldiers from all over NATO territory came together to train and prepare.

That is why German Air Force regularly contributes to air policing across the Baltic region, Poland and NATO’s Eastern Front – protecting our skies against Russian provocations.

And that is why we are stationing a German brigade in Lithuania, sending a clear message: Germany will help defend every square inch of NATO territory.

Because we know: the security of the Baltic states is the security of Germany.

But for a credible and rapid defence and deterrence, we need more than just ships, planes and soldiers.

We also need the infrastructure to move them: roads, bridges, ports and airfields.

Everyone in Schleswig-Holstein can probably name a road or port in need of renovation.

But just one look at the map makes it clear:

a country like Germany, in the heart of Europe, plays a vital role in our alliance’s responses to threats.

That is why we support Secretary General Rutte’s proposal to invest not only 3.5 percent of our GDP for military purposes, but also 1.5 percent in the relevant infrastructure and cybersecurity.

This will benefit our security – and our economy.

My second point is this: a region that is as connected as the Baltic Sea needs a coherent security policy – nationally, within NATO and across the EU.

That’s why we’re working on a unified approach to hybrid threats. One of the most effective ways to counter hybrid activities is prevention. And the best prevention is early detection. That requires clear situational awareness.

Baltic Sentry already makes a valuable contribution by improving our picture of threats to maritime infrastructure.

And just this month, NATO is testing unmanned surface vessels to monitor the waters of the Baltic Sea – equipped with AI-driven navigation systems, acoustic sensors and advanced maritime surveillance tools.

So that we can identify and intercept suspicious activity before damage is done.

The pace and scope in which NATO is conducting this project is impressive.

We will need this commitment in other domains: In getting better at disrupting cyberattacks or clamping down harder on Russian intelligence networks.

At the national level, this requires consolidating information – from different federal agencies, police customs and local authorities.

That is what we want to achieve by establishing a National Security Council in Germany.

As an alliance, it means more information-sharing, more deterrence – and deeper cooperation at all levels.

These efforts will also help us act decisively against Russia’s so-called shadow fleet.

Right before our eyes, Russia is using rusty, unsafe ships to export oil and fund its war against Ukraine.

According to recent estimates, 70 to 80 percent of Russian crude oil leaves the country via the Baltic Sea.

That’s why it was so important that the EU sanctioned hundreds of vessels of the shadow fleet.

We should use every legal and administrative instrument at our disposal to further curtail these activities.

I am personally committed to pushing that forward.

My third point is perhaps the foundation for everything else:

We need to strengthen our resilience as societies.

Resilience has become something of a buzzword used by politicians – and nobody seems to exactly know what it means.

If you ask a psychologist, they will say resilience is the capacity of a person to maintain their well-being in the face of stress or adversity.

President Putin is testing Europe’s resilience – with ships and aircraft, yes, but also with cyberattacks, sabotage and disinformation.

So what does resilience mean for a society?

It means standing firm when we are challenged.

It means preparedness – not just with troops and material, but with the right mindset.

And that, Baiba, is exactly what we can learn from our friends in the Baltic states.

The understanding that freedom is precious.

The belief that defending a society goes far beyond bunkers and bombs.

The knowledge that security is the foundation of everything else.

In Germany, our mindset has started to shift since the start of Russia’s war of aggression. We are the second-largest supporter of Ukraine. We are investing massively in the Bundeswehr. And we have freed our defence budget from the constraints of the debt brake.

But now, we must follow through.

Even after three years of war in Ukraine, some in Germany still believe that conflict can’t come to us.

But the truth is: For the foreseeable future, we need to organise security against Russia, not with Russia.

If we don’t erect strong and clear boundaries, Russian aggression will keep coming closer.

In four days’ time, NATO will meet in The Hague in what may be one of the most consequential summits in its history.

We will agree on a new defence investment pledge – to strengthen our deterrence and defence against Russian aggression.

Germany will do everything to make this summit a success.

We will play a central role in this effort: more investment,

more equipment, more troops and greater readiness.

This will demand a great deal from us – as a government and as a society. But I am convinced that we can rise to this task.

Ladies and gentlemen,

when I look out over the Baltic Sea, I still feel what I felt growing up: Freedom and connectedness.

The Baltic Sea remains a Sea of cooperation and communication.

But now, more than ever, we must focus our shared efforts on one overriding priority: To keep this region safe.

Let us work together to achieve that.