Human Rights Commissioner on Amnesty International Report 2013

Commenting on the publication of the Amnesty International Report 2013, Markus Löning, the Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Policy, issued the following statement in Berlin:

Background: The Amnesty International Report describes the position of human rights in the five regions of the world and analyses the human rights situation in individual countries.

Human rights policy

Foreign Minister Westerwelle: Binding global rules for arms exports issue a signal for disarmament and arms control

The Federal Cabinet today (22 May) approved the signing of the Arms Trade Treaty.

Foreign Minister Westerwelle has issued the following statement:

More information:

The General Assembly of the United Nations adopted the Arms Trade Treaty by a large majority on 2 April 2013. For the first time internationally binding rules for arms exports have been agreed.

The Arms Trade Treaty can be signed at United Nations Headquarters in New York from 3 June 2013. Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle will sign the Treaty for Germany that very day. The Treaty will enter into force as soon as 50 countries have ratified it.

International Arms Trade Treaty

Foreign Minister Westerwelle relieved about Nils Jennrich’s departure from China

The German national Nils Jennrich, against whom a criminal investigation was initiated in China in late March 2012, was able to leave China today (21 May).

In this connection, Foreign Minister Westerwelle issued the following statement in Berlin today (21 May):

The proceedings against Mr Jennrich in China are still ongoing. The German Government and the German Embassy in Beijing will continue to monitor the case very closely.

Human Rights Commissioner welcomes agreement on greater protection for workers and on improved working conditions in Bangladesh

Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Markus Löning issued the following statement today (17 May) on the conclusion of an agreement intended to ensure greater safety in Bangladesh’s textile factories:

Background

Three weeks after the disastrous collapse of a textile factory in Bangladesh, which caused the death of more than one thousand people, 31 Western clothing companies have signed an agreement on greater building safety at production sites.

In this agreement, companies undertake to cover their suppliers’ maintenance costs. Furthermore, the agreement provides for independent safety inspections, mandatory repairs and renovations as well as the involvement of employees and trade unions in decisions and makes it possible for companies to end business with factories if they refuse to take such safety measures.

The agreement is binding between the Western companies, international trade unions and manufacturers in Bangladesh. Well-known international companies including H&M, PVH, Primark and Mango are among the signatories. From Germany, C&A, Tchibo, Hess Natur, Kik, Aldi, Rewe and Lidl have signed the agreement.

Following the disaster, the Government of Bangladesh has also decided to act. For the first time, independent trade unions are to be allowed in the textile industry. Until now, the factory owner’s consent was required before a trade union could be formed.

Statement by Human Rights Commissioner Löning on the International Day Against Homophobia and Transphobia

Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Markus Löning issued the following statement today (17 May) to mark the International Day Against Homophobia and Transphobia:

"I am gravely concerned by the fact that in many parts of the world people continue to be discriminated against, persecuted, intimidated or even murdered on the basis of their sexual orientation or gender identity. Homosexuality is still illegal in more than 70 countries. The penalties attached include long prison sentences and capital punishment.
Homosexual, bisexual, transsexual and intersexual people have a right to live in dignity, with respect for their privacy, without fear of violence or reprisals, discrimination or legal persecution.
I admire all activists – including those who campaign at great personal risk – who daily do battle to ensure that these rights are accepted and enforced by governments and societies alike.
Today on the International Day Against Homophobia and Transphobia, I call on all states and governments to respect and uphold the universality and indivisibility of human rights."

Freedom of sexual orientation

Background: Survey carried out by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA)

Speech by Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle on the accession of the Republic of Croatia to the European Union

– verbatim report of proceedings –

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, distinguished colleagues,

A mere decade and a half after war, grave human rights violations and displacement, we’re integrating Croatia into the great European peace project. Croatia is historically and also culturally a deeply European country. Now it will become part of our political family. I think all parties will agree that although this debate may be unspectacular and low-key, the outcome is historic. We congratulate you, Ambassador, as well as the Croatian people.

Croatia has undertaken great efforts to build up its state institutions, and since its accession application in 2005 it has geared its development in the political, economic and legal fields towards European Union standards. When it came to fulfilling the criteria and conditions for membership, there were – indeed are – no concessions. As a full member of the European Union, Croatia will be subject to the general monitoring mechanisms. I welcome the assurances given by the Croatian Government that it won’t let up in its reform efforts after accession. This is not the end point in a development. The development will continue.

Croatia’s accession shows that the European Union’s appeal is undiminished. For Europe isn’t just about crisis. The prospect of joining Europe drives the motor of reform in our neighbourhood. Those of you who have been a member of this House for some time will remember some of the debates we’ve had on the Balkans. We’ve certainly had cause for commiseration on occasions. We’ve often spoken of the wars, of the thousands of fatalities. We’ve spoken of the many displaced and of the refugees, some of whom came to our country. Just think of the debates in the 1990s, for example those debates we had in the old Bundestag in Bonn. That we’ve come so far is a source of great joy for me and, I believe, for all members of this House.

The message which goes out to all of Europe’s citizens today is that Europe is attractive.

Speech by Foreign Minister Westerwelle at the conference marking the 20th anniversary of the German-Russian Forum

– Translation of advance text –

***

Mr Lavrov, my friend Sergey,
Mr von Studnitz,
Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,

I am pleased to be able to be here in the rotunda, the jewel in the crown of the Altes Museum, to celebrate with you the 20th anniversary of the German-Russian Forum.

The treasures of Antiquity which surround us remind us of our shared cultural roots. Just like the Pushkin Museum in Moscow, the Altes Museum was the fruit of the Humboldtian ideal of a seat of learning that was open to the public. Wilhelm von Humboldt realized that the people’s education, freedom and sense of responsibility needed to be supported in the interest of the state.

Getting to know one another, learning from one another and together learning something new is also the backbone of the German-Russian Forum. It was Alexandra Gräfin Lambsdorff who, twenty years ago, took the initiative to set up this key civil society forum.

Today, twenty years on, the contribution made by the German-Russian Forum to relations between our countries cannot be overestimated. You have built bridges and prepared the way – not just for politics and businesses. You bring together young people and other sections of society, young potentials, journalists and create a platform for exchanging views on important social and cultural issues.

Intensive exchange between different players in society is the best way to increase understanding, trust and consideration.

There is more to ensuring good relations between countries than good relations between governments. Friendship between people is the basis for good relations between countries. Political action encompasses more than what government does. It also takes in the whole spectrum of voluntary work undertaken by people in Germany and Russia. Without this commitment, our societies would be worse off. Promoting this commitment and not hampering it should be our common goal.

A vibrant civil society is more able to adapt to global change. In a networked world, civil societies are active at regional, national and international level, just like governments and businesses. Civil society is not confined by national borders. The German-Russian Forum itself is a good example of transnational efforts. However, the restrictions imposed on Russian NGOs now anchored in law impede their work considerably. The German Government has made that clear to its Russian partners.

Germany and Russia are holding an open dialogue in a spirit of partnership. Our relations can weather differences of opinion. But we do not define our relationship by our differences.

What makes German-Russian relations special is what we share: our shared history, our shared culture, shared interests and also shared challenges. In our world of change, we will only thrive if we maintain close networks. For Germany as a major exporter, these networks are especially important.

The partnership with Russia is of strategic interest to Germany.

Russia and Germany can help ensure Europe becomes a continent with close social and economic networks. The ultimate vision is a huge economic area stretching from Vancouver to Vladivostok. For some time now, this has been a vision, not an illusion.

Economic exchange will develop all the more strongly if the framework conditions for it are good. These are, first and foremost, the rule of law and transparent and consistent behaviour on the part of the authorities. I am pleased that German and Russian experts engage in regular exchange through our legal cooperation.

Promoting good investment conditions and strong civil society are not contradictory goals; they are two sides of the same coin. The principles of the Council of Europe, to which Germany and Russia have subscribed, form the foundation. These principles express a European consciousness, a pan-European identity.

Today, Russia’s economic links with Europe are closer than ever before. Last year, the volume of our bilateral trade reached a record high of more than 80 billion euros.

Russia is endeavouring to further diversify its economy. German SMEs can help Russia here. It is such businesses that combine the vitality and innovative power of a society with a country’s economic substance. A healthy SME sector is a major advantage on the global stage. Strong middle classes form the backbone of society.

That is why Sergey Lavrov and I have agreed to make the middle classes a topic in German-Russian cooperation. I am pleased that the German-Russian Forum, together with the Committee on Eastern European Economic Relations and Russian partners, held the first German-Russian conference on this important topic just a few weeks ago.

Freedom to travel is part and parcel of a social and economic European area. Germany is committed to the long-term goal of visa-free travel in Europe. I will continue to work for progress in negotiations. I am personally convinced that this is vital.

The challenges of our time cannot be mastered without and certainly not against a huge nation like Russia, only together with it.

Trilateral cooperation between Russia, Poland and Germany plays an important role in confidence-building. Just last week, Sergey Lavrov and myself met with Radoslaw Sikorski in Warsaw. In the long term, this cooperation can serve as a core for broader European cooperation without artificial dividing lines.

We work closely together on key international questions.

In the E3+3, we are pulling in the same direction to prevent Iran acquiring nuclear weapons.

In Afghanistan, with regard to North Korea and in Mali, we share the same goal, namely that of combating international terrorism and preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons.

In the sphere of security policy, trust is of course a sine qua non for intensified cooperation. Trust is born of transparency. That is why in the NATO-Russia Council we advocate more transparency and reliability in military exercises. This also holds true for the difficult question of missile defence.

Turning to the Syria question, we had a different approach from the very outset on how to deal with the regime in Damascus. Despite the differences of opinion, our dialogue continued. That was always very important to me.

I thus very much welcome the agreement between the United States and Russia to hold an international conference on Syria. This can be an important step in building the foundations for a political solution to the conflict in Syria. It is crucial that all parties to the conflict accept a political process. The joint proposal presented by the United States and Russia is a clear signal to all to end the violence.

The potential inherent in cooperation with Russia remains huge. I would like to thank the German-Russian Forum for the important work it has performed.

Focusing on the strategic opportunities inherent in cooperation with Russia does not mean that we can’t engage in a frank and sometimes critical dialogue. What we need now is more openness and exchange, not less.

“Transatlantic partnership – working together for tomorrow’s world”: Speech by Guido Westerwelle, Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs, at the meeting of the FDP parliamentary group

-- Translation of advance text --

Ladies and gentlemen,
Rainer Stinner,
Distinguished colleagues,

I’d like to sincerely thank you for this invitation and say that I’m delighted that the FDP parliamentary group is addressing this very topical issue.

We talk a lot about reforms and growth in Europe. We’re all aware of the dynamic economic growth in Asia, Latin America and in many African countries. However, too seldom do we look up and see the huge opportunities our transatlantic relations, which have been so close for so long, have to offer.

The transatlantic partnership is the most important non-European pillar of German foreign policy. It is anchored in NATO, our security alliance. Beyond that, it is the core dimension of the West’s political culture. We Germans found our way back to the international community on the basis of these shared values and goals. And it was on this firm foundation of transatlantic trust that Germany was able to unify in freedom.

Transatlantic relations are a success story. However, there’s no reason for complacency.

Transatlantic relations can’t be left to autopilot. On the contrary, they’re faced with quite new challenges. The vision of a transatlantic single market now gives us an opportunity to infuse the transatlantic partnership with new momentum. In a dramatically changing world, we have to turn to our common strengths in order to shape globalization in line with our libertarian values.

I.

The European Union and the United States are the world’s two largest economic powers and generate almost half – 47% – of global national product. Transatlantic trade relations account for one third of global trade. Every day, goods and services to the tune of almost two billion euros are traded between the EU and the US. Two-way investments to date add up to an almost unimaginable two trillion euros. A merger of the world’s two most powerful economic areas will release new synergies and a new dynamic.

Today this is more necessary than ever. In the US and in Europe, we are in the midst of a tough reform and consolidation process as a result of the financial crisis.

Both sides have to find new and sustainable sources of growth.

As an external engine of growth, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership could make a key contribution towards overcoming the crisis. A comprehensive agreement could lead to annual rises of US GDP of up to 95 billion euros. With 119 billion euros annually and a total of 400,000 new jobs, the impact is expected to be even bigger in the EU.

In order to exploit the potential of such a comprehensive partnership to the full, it’s crucial that the EU Commission be granted a negotiating mandate which is as extensive and flexible as possible.

We want to achieve far-reaching results in two key spheres through the negotiations. Firstly, it’s our declared intention to eliminate the tariffs in transatlantic trade to the greatest possible extent and to do away with restrictions on market access.

Thanks to the trade liberalization already advanced in the WTO, tariff barriers in transatlantic trade are already comparatively low at 5.2% for the EU and 3.5% for the US on average. However, tariff levels are still very uneven. Certain branches are subject to especially high tariffs. Due to the huge volume of trade between the EU and the US, we expect the reduction in existing tariffs to bring considerable savings for our companies. Restrictions on market access should also be eliminated in the service industry.

Furthermore, our aim is to conclude a single investment agreement which could replace the current 27 agreements which the individual EU member states have with the US. With the highest degree of liberalization and protection, this agreement is intended to guarantee non-discrimination, competitive neutrality, legal certainty, legal protection and investor protection.

Secondly, we want the negotiations to focus in particular on harmonizing regulatory issues and eliminating non-tariff trade barriers.

Transatlantic trade relations are actually hampered much more by different health and consumer protection regulations as well as diverging technical regulations, standards and norms than by existing tariffs. Our companies, which want to sell their products on both sides of the Atlantic, often have to pay double for licensing their products and subject them to different procedures. We have to clear the jungle of regulations, particularly in the car industry, the chemical and pharmaceutical branches as well as in health sectors.

Even if it perhaps sounds very technical, these norms, standards and regulatory issues determine the success on the market of many good inventions and products. The transatlantic partnership will allow us to set global standards together.

We want tomorrow’s norms and standards to be set by us and in our countries.

The road towards a negotiated agreement won’t be easy. Many people are voicing criticism or warning caution.

That’s why we have to take our partners’ reservations and interests seriously and, at the same time, make clear time and again the agreement’s larger, strategic framework.

The many preparatory talks on the EU negotiating mandate have made me optimistic. We’ve already reached preliminary agreement in the spheres of labour and environmental standards, the mobility of individuals and tariffs on industrial goods. I firmly believe that we’ll also succeed on more sensitive issues.

It’s also vital that we involve the public here in Germany and in the broader EU from the outset, that we convince them of the advantages of the agreement and campaign tirelessly to this end. Furthermore, we naturally also have to hold intensive discussions with partners outside the EU – especially Turkey, Brazil, Mexico and Switzerland – and dispel their fears that they will be placed at a disadvantage in international trade with the EU and the EU. The transatlantic partnership doesn’t mean excluding third states from prosperity, growth and employment.

On the contrary, the realization of the agreement would also stimulate world trade.

II.

I believe it’s crucial that the project of a transatlantic economic partnership has much more to offer than economic potential. Indeed, I sense today in many talks how this project is spurring on policymakers’ imagination. A successful conclusion would inject new momentum into practically all key foreign policy issues.

Germany has a special responsibility in the coming years. We see two tasks before us in our international role. For one thing, we need to get our house in order in Europe. For another, we need to work with our strategic partners old and new in this changing world to create a global order within which we can promote our values and interests.

It’s right and necessary to advance the integration of the transatlantic area in order to secure growth and prosperity in Europe and to foster the vitality and substance of transatlantic relations.

But this is about much more. A strong economy is the prerequisite for leadership and clout in international relations and is thus of strategic importance. The transatlantic economic partnership would send a strong political message and show that the Western community of values is keen to exert its influence in the age of globalization.

The world is seeing a shift in global power structures. The economic and financial crisis didn’t cause it, but certainly speeded it up drastically. Only 30 years ago, Germany exported ten times as many goods as China. Today, China is the world’s largest trading nation. The rapidly growing emerging economies are increasingly aspiring to have a greater say in the conduct of world affairs. They are developing a new self-confidence in foreign policy. These countries are new movers and shakers in the age of globalization.

It used to take a hundred years for nations to rise to prosperity. Today it’s sometimes only ten. Globalization isn’t only accelerating the trade in goods and services but also information and ideas. Globalization is also “a globalization of values”.

This brings with it opportunities as well as challenges. Our policies and our thinking must keep pace with globalization. Germany is committed to a rules-based, stabilizing global order. We need a shared framework of rules, especially when new challenges have to be mastered and more and more players are on the field.

A transatlantic agreement that covered investments, services, norms and standards as well as trade issues would constitute an important building block for the future of a free international order.

That is the real strategic importance of this ambitious project. That not only has a foreign and security policy dimension but is also a strong argument as to why we’ll succeed this time in realizing this vision of an integrated transatlantic economic area.

This project would also strengthen the central pillar of our shared security, the North Atlantic Alliance. Only by pooling our strengths can we safeguard our interests, our prosperity and, above all, our security in this new world.

In that endeavour, strategic partnership with the United States is our strongest card. The transatlantic economic partnership is the right tool at the right time. The link between our security and the success of the transatlantic economic partnership can be expressed in one clear phrase: economic policy is part of security policy.

This agreement isn’t directed against anyone. Our aim is to set standards which can benefit everyone.

Despite all the advantages in laying down global regulations, we have to admit that the Doha Round has been blocked for the last decade. We want to use the potential of a future Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership to formulate answers to questions far beyond bilateral transatlantic trade. It is intended to contribute towards a common regulation of our global networks. The compatibility of the transatlantic agreement with the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO) is therefore top of our agenda.

The EU Commission has examined this question and considers the agreement to be fully compatible with the WTO due to its comprehensive approach. Third countries could also take the new international standards and rules as their model. If we succeed in pooling our economic and creative forces across the Atlantic, we will be able to shape the emerging multipolar world in line with our shared values and interests.

Protectionism, navel-gazing and isolation are not alternatives.

Anyone who shuts themselves off, believing that is the way to avoid all risks, is simply robbing themselves of all opportunities. Germany in particular lives from and with its links with the wider world. Germany’s foreign policy is – first and foremost – an advocate for openness.

The US has long since recognized the growing importance of the new global players and reacted with a strategic shift towards Asia. However, the realignment of US foreign policy doesn’t indicate that it’s turning away from the Atlantic. Quite the opposite in fact: it underlines the necessity of greater cooperation between Europe and the US.

As an exporting nation, Germany has a fundamental interest in peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region, in the peaceful and rules-based settlement of conflicts, in the freedom of shipping routes and in the strengthening of multilateral regional organizations.

The time is ripe for an ambitious project that will make use of our strengths on both sides of the Atlantic. The time is ripe for a transatlantic single market. For Germany, Europe and for the US, as well as for a free order tomorrow.

Europe is very much occupied with itself at present. We have to focus our attention on the outside world again, on global developments.

A transatlantic single market can be a beacon which shines far beyond the Atlantic. This beacon stands on a sold foundation of shared values.

• Transatlantic relations

Foreign Minister Westerwelle on the Pew survey on Europe: we must now resolutely press ahead with structural modernization in Europe

Federal Foreign Minister Westerwelle issued the following statement in Berlin today, (14 May) on the results of the Pew survey of public opinion in eight European countries:

According to the Pew survey, faith in European institutions has significantly declined. People in many European countries are pessimistic about their country’s economic prospects. There are big differences in how Europe’s situation is seen. In Germany most people are confident; in other European countries people are very worried. The Pew report you can find here:

Pew Research

Speech by Federal Foreign Minister Westerwelle at the opening of the meeting of the  International Contact Group on Afghanistan and Pakistan in Berlin

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Deputy Foreign Minister Ludin,
Excellencies,
Ambassador Koch,
distinguished colleagues,

I am honoured to welcome you today here in Berlin in the Auswärtiges Amt for this meeting of the International Contact Group.

The German government has had the privilege of convening this International Contact Group for the past several years. The ICG’s strength in coordinating international efforts to bring peace and stability to Afghanistan derives from all of its members. The progress we have seen since 2009 is a result of our collective efforts.

The death of a German soldier in combat in northern Afghanistan earlier this month was a stark reminder for my country that the path before us remains a difficult one. This morning, we received the sad news of three Georgian soldiers who were killed yesterday in Helmand. Allow me to express to our Georgian colleague here present my heartfelt condolences and also the best wishes for a quick recovery for all injured ISAF soldiers. We mourn the loss of so many lives, both Afghan and from other nations, in this long-lasting conflict. But we remain undeterred. A lasting peace in Afghanistan may yet take some time to achieve.

One year ago this week, the German and Afghan governments signed an agreement on bilateral cooperation. That agreement outlined Germany’s commitment to Afghanistan's long-term stabilization. It renewed our pledge of solidarity with the Afghan people.

And just a few weeks ago, Germany became the first NATO member to announce its offer to participate in a training mission for the Afghan security forces after the ISAF mission ends in 2014. Germany has chosen to maintain a lead coordinating role among international partners and Afghan security forces in the North.

We are sending a clear message: Germany stands with Afghanistan and will continue to do so beyond the end of ISAF. Our support for a peaceful Afghanistan will become more civilian with every step. Afghanistan remains Germany’s single most important partner for our civilian and development cooperation. There is much work to do to secure the progress we have made. Germany agreed at the Tokyo Conference last year to provide Afghanistan with up to 430 million euros annually. Germany declared at the NATO Summit in Chicago that from 2015 onwards it will provide an annual sum of around 150 million euros to help finance the Afghan National Security Forces. Germany stands by its commitments.

But Commitments go both ways. Together we must encourage the Afghan people to embrace their responsibilities for Afghanistan’s transition and set their country on a path to self-reliance. They need to protect hard-fought gains in rights for women and minorities. They need to push for credible, transparent, and fair elections, and fight corruption while providing economic opportunity for all Afghans.

Only a political process of inter-Afghan reconciliation can bring about lasting peace in Afghanistan. This process should be supported both by Afghanistan's neighbours and by the international community.

I am encouraged by the strong representation here today. It is proof of our commitment to protect and build upon the gains we have achieved. Together over the next 18 months, we will achieve a successful Afghan-led and Afghan-owned transition. In the years to come, we will enable a safe and stable Afghanistan supported by the region and the international community.

Thank you.

Foreign Minister Westerwelle to open WDR Europaforum at the Federal Foreign Office

The WDR Europaforum on 16 May 2013 will once again be held at the Federal Foreign Office. Under the motto “Europe the Future!” this annual fixture will for the sixteenth time bring together politicians from all over Europe for a day of wide‑ranging and controversial debate.

Starting at 10.00 a.m., Foreign Minister Westerwelle and WDR Deputy Director‑General Eva‑Maria Michel will welcome the guests and open the discussion series centering on the theme of “More Europe – a better Europe”.

The discussants will include European Commission President Barroso and European Parliament President Schulz, Federal Chancellor Merkel, Federal Finance Minister Schäuble and EU Energy Commissioner Oettinger as well as many members of the European Parliament and the German Bundestag.

More information is available at www.europa‑forum.wdr.de.

League of Arab States – German Federal Foreign Office: Workshop on SALW control and CSBMs. Opening Speech by Ambassador Nikel, Federal Commissioner for Disarmament and Arms Control: Cooperation between the Arab League and Germany: Small Arms and Light Weapons control and Confidence Building Measures

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Ambassador Al-Assad,
Dear Colleagues,
ladies and gentlemen

Thank you for organizing this conference. It is my great pleasure to address this conference today.

Germany has a long standing tradition of cooperation with the Arab League. From earlye on, this cooperation included issues of arms control and disarmament.

It was in 2003 that Germany assisted the Arab League in establishing a point of contact for regional coordination of small arms control. The same year, the League established its Berlin liaison office. This was followed by the support of workshops for the national points of contact for small arms control of all member states of the League.

I would like to express my gratitude to you, Ambassador Al-Assad, for hosting this workshop here at the headquarters of the League of Arab States. It has been a pleasure working with your staff in preparing this seminar. Let me also thank all speakers who have agreed to provide us with valuable food for thought over these next two days.

And let me express my appreciation to you personally for initiating to broaden and further enhance our cooperation this year. It fits well into the framework of our intention to intensify bilateral cooperation - be it on matters of regional security, including Syria, the energy sector, or capacity building.

Arab League staff is invited to participate in courses of the German Diplomatic Academy – this is a standing invitation which I would like to renew here. We are also about to upgrade the status of the Arab League’s mission in Berlin.

We believe that cooperation on Small Arms and Light Weapons serves everybody’s interest: By sharing experience and know-how, we hope to strengthen the arms control capabilities of the Arab League which in turn may help us to reach Arab member states. As geographic neighbors, Europe and the Arab world have a common interest in mutual security, peace and stability.

Lasting peace and security can only be achieved through cooperation among neighbors. Cooperation requires dialogue andcan breed trust.

This is where confidence and security building measures – CSBMs in short, the second big topic of this workshop – come into the picture. This seminar will set a new precedent for cooperation on CSBMs.I would like to commend the Arab League especially for this effort.

Since not all of us in this room are arms control experts, let melbriefly dwell on the question: What exactly are CSBMs? What do they mean in practice?

The ultimate objective of CSBMs is to promote international peace and security through building trust and confidence among States at bilateral, regional and global levels. The goal is to enhance transparency, dialogue and military restraint. CSBMs are meant to contribute to reduceecauses of conflict such as mistrust, fear, misunderstanding and miscalculation.There are grosso modo three groups of typical CSBMs:

First, transparency and information exchange measures: The UN global instrument on reporting on military expenditures for example is such a transparent measure. States voluntarily disclose their military expenditures, thus enhancing transparency and reducing the risk of speculation and miscalculation.

Second, observation and verification measures. They allow participating States to monitor each other’s military facilities and activities. Participating States are invited to send observers to monitor major military exercises and to evaluate on site the information provided by a Government on their weapons.

Inspections under the OSCE Vienna Document regime – about which you will hear more on day two of this workshop – are a typical example of such observation and verification measures.

Third, military restraintre measures: They involve restraint with respect to the number and scope of major military exercises. The OSCE Participating States have committed themselves to such provisions constraining exercises in the Vienna Document.

Europe, by overcoming the divisions of the Cold War, has accumulated a lot of experience in the field of trust and confidence building among former foes. CSBMs in Europe have been a success story that contributed to the fall of the Berlin wall and the reunification of Germany and provided a stable framework for the discussions on some of the problems connected with them

The OSCE is dedicated to cooperative security. We are happy to share lessons learnt from more than 20 years of practice regarding information exchanges, verification and security cooperation.

CSBMs are highly topical in addressing new security challenges such as cyber security. Egypt is - like Germany - one of 15 countries in the UN Group of Governmental Experts tasked to make recommendations on CSBMs and on norms of responsible State behavior in cyber space. I am convinced that confidence building measures couldbenefit this part of the world as well.

Let me be frank: Confidence among States is a rare commodity many parts of the world. So confidence building measures could play a significant role in enhancing peace and security in the Middle East and the Arab region.

In the 1990ies, in the framework of the Madrid Peace Process, the Middle East Multilateral Arms Control and Regional Security Working Group – ACRS- Working Group for short –worked on CSBMs for the Middle East. It actually got quite far: It elaborated and agreed upon a first set of CSBMs. This process in itself could be called a confidence building measure.

Unfortunately, the process ended before the agreed CSBMs could ever be implemented. But the time may have come to take a fresh look at CSBMs for the Middle East. It might be worthwhile exploring whether existing UN instruments e.g. on transparency in military spending might be a possible starting point for implementation of regional CSBMs in the Middle East.

Regional organizations such as the League of Arab States can play an important role in enhancing the value of such global instruments. We couldlook and see how to make better use of the existing cooperation, both between the League of Arab States with OSCE as well as between OSCE and OSCE partners for cooperation in the Arab world.

And it might be of interest to take a look at specific experiences and documents in the OSCE framework and see if the principles enshrined therein might be of value for the States of the League of Arab States as well. I am thinking, for example, of the OSCE Code of Conduct on Politico-Military Aspects of Security.

This Code has been agreed among all 57 OSCE participating States. It lays down principles for the democratic oversight of armed forces..I am glad toreport that Germany and Switzerland, together with the OSCE, recently presented an Arabic version of the Code to make its principles more accessible for interested States in the Arab world.

Last but not least, therecould also be a role for confidence building measures in the Middle East Peace Process. Building confidence is at the very heart of this issue and progress of the peace process is dependent on growing trust and confidence between parties.

Another pertinent example: the Conference on a zone in the Middle East free of Weapons of Mass Destruction and their Means of Delivery, or simply the Helsinki-Conference.

At this moment the deadline of this conference is more intensely debated than its content and format. As far as the deadline is concerned, suffice it to say that we would like this Conference to take place as soon as possible in 2013. And concerning the focus, confidence-building measures could be part of the agenda, also in light of what was already achieved in the nineties. There is common ground on which to build in order to make it a win-win-situation for all participants. If and only if everybody benefits from the Conference, it could be the start of a true dialogue and much more than a one-day-event. From a European perspective, Helsinki is the location of choice, because it reminds us of the fact that the beginnings of the later so successful Helsinki-process back in the nineties were all but easy. So let us do our very best to ensure that this opportunity is not missed! 

Mr. Ambassador,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Arms Control is part of preventive security. It helps to avoid conflict and damage. InvestmentI in arms control is therefore money well spent..Given Germany’s history in the first half of the 20th century, arms control is part and parcel of the DNA of German foreign and security policy.

We have renounced to possess, produce or trade nuclear weapons. For us, Global Zero is not only a vision but an objective, and be it long term

In light of the alarming figures of dead people due to conventional weapons, conventional, weapons control is by no means less important than nuclear weapons control. Indeed,arms control, viewed as preventive security and proactive conflict prevention, is even more relevant here.The illicit proliferation of conventional weapons is a source of conflict. Arms control can contribute to stop it

The destabilizing effects of uncontrolled accumulations of weapons have been dramatically demonstrated during and after the civil war in Libya. Flows of illicit weapons across borders have contributed to conflict elsewhere. Mali is a case in point. They continue to pose a threat to the whole Sahel region. They are also a risk to the security of Tunisia, Egypt , and Sudan. There is evidence that weapons from Libya are even traded with Somalia. By being smuggled into Gaza they pose an additional risk to the Middle East Peace Process.

A big challenge regarding conventional weapons is in Libya itself. The Libyan Government has definedsecurity sector reform as priority number one in the post war stabilization process. Germany will support this process by funding a long term capacity building project in the security sector that is being implemented by the German technical assistance agency GIZ.

Right after the end of fighting, Germany has funded, together with the United States, the Libyan Mine Action Center. The newly created agency will take care of de-mining, risk awareness programmes and small arms control. The German Agency for International Coopertion GIZ will support LMAC inin the comingyears.

The EU will contribute to thisproject by funding a componentfor the physical safety and stockpile management of arms and ammunition. The project has a total volume of 8 Mio Euro and is our largest undertaking in the conventional arms control sector. My colleagues and the representative from GIZ, Joachim von Bonin, will speak in more detail about this project later.

Libya’s fate is looming large in Syria. The disastrous civil war is a risk to the stability of the entire region. Moreover, the existence of significant amounts of chemical weapons in Syria multiplies the threat.

In view of the experience from Libya and the even bigger potential of arms proliferation from Syria, cooperation in the region is essential- including the exchange of intelligence, the securing of borders, and forensic analysis.

We are ready to support any peaceful initiative contributing to stabilize the situation – now or after the civil war. We are in a dialogue with the NGO Permanent Peace Movement from Beirut, which is also present here today. In December we funded a seminar in Beirut on small arms control with the Permanent Peace Movement. I am pleased that its President Dr. Fadi Allam will present his view on SALW challenges in the Arab region. We are considering organizing further training measures for representatives from Arab countries including Syria, Libya and Egypt on small arms control.

One important new instrument in regulating the armsarms tradehas been adopted last month: The vote of an overwhelming majority in favor of an Arms Trade Treaty on 3 April was a clear signal in support of this important endeavor.

After the ATT’s adoption it is now important to swiftly ratify the treaty sosi that it can enterinto force as soon as possible. Germanypossible wants to sign and ratify before the summer.

Mr. Ambassador,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

We have gathered here in a country that measures its history not by centuries but by millennia??. One of the impressions one may have is that against such a backdrop time is an abundant resource.

The first peace treaty known to history was concluded in the region between Pharao Ramses II and the Hittites‘ King Hattusuli III. This treaty was adopted after years of bloody quarrel in 1259 bc. Actually it took more than 15 years after the battle of Qadesh to come to such a conclusion. If we consider the length of peace processes in the region today, even 15 years does not seem to be a shockingly long period of time. However, in view of the dramatic consequences of conflict we are witnessing we must realize that time is not of abundance.

We need more prevention of conflict, we need practical measures to build trust and confidence and we need an arms control policy that helps to avoid war. The Arab League is well disposed to advance these noble goals. Germany is privileged to contribute to this endeavor.

In this spirit, I wish all of you a very fruitful conference.

Thank you.

International Contact Group on Afghanistan and Pakistan

Tomorrow (14 May) in Berlin, Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle will open the meeting of the International Contact Group on Afghanistan and Pakistan together with Afghan Deputy Foreign Minister Jawed Ludin.

The members of the International Contact Group will discuss, among other things, good governance as well as long-term civilian support under the Tokyo Mutual Accountability Framework. Other issues on the agenda include transfer of security responsibility to Afghanistan, the preparation of the 2014 presidential elections, deeper regional cooperation and the political process of inner-Afghan reconciliation.

The International Contact Group comprises more than 50 states and international organizations. It is headed by the Special Representative of the Federal Government for Afghanistan and Pakistan, Michael Koch. The Group’s last meeting in Germany was held in April 2009.

Following the meeting, Ambassador Koch, Afghan Deputy Foreign Minister Ludin and the new US Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, Ambassador James Dobbins will jointly present the results to the press.

Afghanistan

Foreign Minister Westerwelle: high turnout in Pakistan is a sign for democracy and against terrorism

Federal Foreign Minister Westerwelle issued the following statement today (13.05.) on the parliamentary elections in Pakistan:

Human Rights Commissioner in China for 11th German-Chinese Human Rights Dialogue

Federal Government Human Rights Commissioner Markus Löning leaves Peking today (13 May) for Yinchuan in Ningxia Province, where he will attend the eleventh German-Chinese Human Rights Dialogue on 14 and 15 May. Ningxia Province is home to a number of minorities such as the Muslim Hui.

Among the issues on the agenda are the situation of minorities, the living and working conditions of migrant workers, the rule of law and the way in which economic crisis impacts on human rights protection. Visits to a remand prison, a mosque and a school for minority children as well as a meeting with migrant workers are planned. This is the fourth time that Markus Löning has led the German delegation at the Human Rights Dialogue.

In addition to his programme in Yinchuan, he has held talks in Peking and Canton with government officials, civil society and NGO representatives, human rights defenders and the business community.

Human rights

Federal Foreign Minister Westerwelle condemns attacks in Turkey

Today (11.05.) Federal Foreign Minister Westerwelle issued the following statement on the attacks in Reyhanli:

The German and Turkish Foreign Ministers will meet in Berlin tomorrow for the first Strategic Dialogue between the two countries.

Speech by Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle at the presentation of the German-Polish Prize in Warsaw on 10 May 2013

-- Translation of advance text --

Minister Bartoszewski,
My dear Radek Sikorski,
Mrs Lempp,
The Lempp family,
Mr Pawłoś,
Ladies and gentlemen,

Let me first of all congratulate the Foundation for Polish-German Reconciliation on today’s prize.

With the German-Polish Prize, we are also honouring Dr Albrecht Lempp who departed from us much too early last November.

It is a great honour for me to award this so important prize posthumously to such a worthy recipient.

At the celebrations marking the 20th anniversary of the Foundation for Polish-German Reconciliation in 2011, I had the opportunity to meet Albrecht Lempp. At that time we looked back together at twenty years in which Polish-German relations had developed so well.

We shouldn’t take this for granted. In Polish-German relations, trust was for a long time hard to come by. Trust is a most precious thing. Both between people and between countries. It takes time to build mutual trust. And we need people like Albrecht Lempp who are tireless in their efforts to foster such trust.

Today we can look back on a long and successful journey of reconciliation between Germany and Poland. Today, there are close links between the two countries right across politics and society. There are close bonds of friendship between our people. Our countries are part of a united, democratic Europe. Europe is more than a single market. Europe is more than a currency. Europe is a community with a common destiny and shared culture.

Europe is the answer to the darkest chapter of Germany’s past. It is the most successful peace project of all time.

Europe is not just western Europe. That is something I learnt early on.

It was visionary statesmen who paved the way for European unification. But the affinity between Germans and Poles today is also the fruit of many private initiatives across society.

The German-Polish friendship is driven by personalities for whose example and honest, tireless efforts we have good reason to be thankful.

Albrecht Lempp was one of them. In the German Poland Institute, the Adam Mickiewicz Institute, as the German director of the Foundation for Polish-German Reconciliation or as a translator, to name only a few staging posts, he proved he had the courage to work to achieve visionary goals. He pursued these goals with passion, perseverance and pragmatism.

He enabled us Germans to better understand Polish culture. By earning trust in himself in Poland, he also built trust in Germany. Albrecht Lempp did sterling work to bolster German-Polish relations.

Poland is a dynamic country with a strong economy and rich culture. Just as Europe benefits from Poland, Poland gains much from membership of the EU. We are pleased the opinion polls in Poland reflect this.

They regularly show the high approval ratings the European Union enjoys. Particularly at a time when some are all to happy to heap criticism on Europe, we should keep our eyes open for such good news.

Europe’s appeal continues unabated. The work to promote fundamental European values does not stop at our borders. It also includes dialogue with our neighbours. One of the last projects Albrecht Lempp worked on brought young journalists from Poland and Russia together with Russian colleagues in Moscow.

In constellations such as these, German-Polish reconciliation can serve as a model.

Poland and Germany are both relatively big within the European Union. In the world, both our countries are relatively small. The same holds true for the other member states. Only together as Europeans will we be able to stand up for our values and our lifestyle in our changing world. Europe is not just our response to the past, it is also our shared response to globalization.

Thank you.

Markus Löning calls on Tehran to release Iranian Baha’is

Prompted by the forthcoming fifth anniversary of the detention of the seven leading members of the Baha’i faith in Iran, Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Markus Löning issued the following statement today (8 May):

Background

The Baha’i in Iran are denied recognition as a religious community and frequently suffer harassment and systematic intimidation, including arrest and detention.

In the field of education and training as well as labour law they likewise face discrimination. Baha’i children are intimidated and compelled to change school; students are expelled from university or not allowed to matriculate in the first place; the security forces close down shops at random and order community members to appear before disciplinary tribunals. It is often very difficult for Baha’i who have suffered such discrimination and harassment to file an official complaint.

The head of the seven-member national ad-hoc committee that saw to the needs of the Iranian Baha’i community was arrested on 5 March 2008. The remaining six members were arrested on 14 May 2008. They were held without charge for over two years in Tehran’s Evin Prison before being sentenced on 8 August 2010 to 20 years imprisonment each. Following strong international protest, the sentences were reduced to ten years in an appeal hearing on 20 October 2010. However, the prisoners were informed orally on 16 March 2011 that the sentences had again been increased to 20 years.

According to the latest report from Ahmed Shaheed, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran, more than 100 Baha’is are currently being held in prisons across the country. Over 250 are awaiting trial.

Foreign Ministers of Germany and Turkey start Strategic Dialogue

Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle is to meet his Turkish counterpart, Ahmet Davutoğlu, in Berlin on Sunday, 12 May. Together they will launch the new Strategic Dialogue between the Foreign Ministers of Germany and Turkey.

This new form of consultation has been conceived for the long term and will cover the entire spectrum of German‑Turkish relations. It will take the close cooperation between the German and Turkish Governments to a new level.

Before they sign the Joint Declaration on the Establishment of the Strategic Dialogue, the two Foreign Ministers will meet for talks at the guesthouse of the Federal Foreign Office (Villa Borsig).

Bilateral relations

Human Rights Commissioner calls for improvement of situation in Rakhine, Myanmar

Markus Löning, the German Government’s Commissioner for Human Rights Policy, issued the following statement today (8 May) in response to the publication of the Rakhine Investigation Commission’s final report:

Background:

Major unrest and clashes between Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim Rohingyas shook Myanmar’s Rakhine state in June and October 2012, resulting in the deaths of 192 people. Around 125,000 people had to flee their homes and are now living in camps, many under extremely difficult conditions. Up to 80% of these internally displaced persons are Rohingyas.

Myanmar’s rainy season is about to begin, and there are still not enough shelters in place that can withstand the weather. The Investigation Commission which President Thein Sein set up in August 2012 has now published its final report on the violence. It contains recommendations on improving the security situation in Rakhine state, examines humanitarian problems and calls for clarification in the difficult issue of citizenship. Up until now, Rohingyas have not had access to Myanmar citizenship. President Thein Sein has pledged help for the displaced in a televised address.