The United States of America, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the European Union, chaired by Sweden, issue the following statement on the situation in the Great Lakes region:

The ICG participated in the Great Lakes Stakeholders and Experts Retreat, organised by the Office of the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for the Great Lakes Region and Switzerland in Nairobi on 17–18 June. The ICG exchanged with signatory countries of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework, representatives of regional and international mediation and facilitation teams, regional organisations, including the African Union (AU), the East African Community (EAC), the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), as well as independent experts and civil society representatives. The meeting took stock of peace, security, and economic dynamics in the Great Lakes Region. This includes the ongoing efforts by the African Union mediator and co-facilitators, the progress made under the Washington Accords for Peace and Prosperity, led by the United States, and the work of the Qatari mediation leading the Doha process. A set of concrete options in support of ongoing peace efforts, and the implementation of commitments already made, were identified.

On 19 June, the ICG convened in Addis Ababa alongside the Representative of the AU-appointed Mediator Faure Gnassingbé, President of the Council of Ministers of the Togolese Republic, and the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for the Great Lakes Region, with the aim of further strengthening the dialogue and cooperation with the AU.

The delegation held meetings with the Chairperson of the AU Commission, H.E. Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, the AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, H.E. Bankole Adeoye, and the AU-appointed facilitator and former President of Ethiopia, H.E. Sahle-Work Zewde. Discussions focused on current developments in the Great Lakes Region, the complementarity of mediation efforts, and the humanitarian situation in eastern DR Congo, including the ongoing Ebola outbreak. In addition, the delegation engaged in a dedicated dialogue with AU representatives on partnerships for sustainable peace.

The delegation also held consultations with civil society partners and researchers from the Great Lakes Region, including representatives of women and youth, with the participation of the AU Special Envoy on Women, Peace and Security, H.E. Liberata Mulamula. The ICG underlines the importance of considering the perspectives of the civil society and communities of the region.

African-led mediation, supported by strong regional engagement, remains central to achieving lasting peace in the Great Lakes Region. The ICG reiterates its support for the ongoing peace efforts by the AU-appointed mediator, Faure Gnassingbé, President of the Council of Ministers of the Togolese Republic, as well as the Panel of Facilitators, the AU Commission, and regional partners. We commend the progress achieved to date by the AU-led mediation and look forward to the next steps. The ICG supports the continued effort by all mediators to ensure cooperation and complementary between the AU, the Washington, and the Doha tracks. 

 The ICG calls on all parties to the conflict to build on this momentum and to engage constructively in dialogue. There can be no military solution to the conflict.

France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Norway and the United Kingdom deliver a joint statement on the situation in El Obeid, Sudan.

We, the Foreign Ministers of like-minded partners (France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, UK), are deeply concerned by reports of a continued assault on El Obeid, despite calls for a halt to the attack and protection of civilians.  

Last year, the world witnessed with horror the atrocities in El Fasher -  crimes that are assessed to bear the “hallmarks of genocide”. We must not allow such failures to be repeated.  

In recent weeks, repeated drone strikes on El Obeid have killed civilians and driven acute shortages of fuel, food and water. With the rainy season fast approaching, humanitarian workers continue to provide life-saving assistance but are being deliberately targeted.

There are now credible signs of an imminent offensive. This is a critical moment, and the international community must act.  

We call on the RSF to halt its attack immediately. Civilians must be able to leave safely, and all parties must ensure rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access. The RSF and the SAF, and their allies, must de-escalate, uphold international humanitarian law, and honour their commitments under the Jeddah Declaration.

External support continues to sustain this conflict. We call on those fuelling the conflict to cease, and those with influence must exercise it now to avoid further bloodshed.  

We will continue to work closely at the UN Security Council and with regional and international partners to secure a clear and unified response: the violence must end, civilians must be protected, and those responsible must be held to account. We remain committed to supporting a credible path to peace through the Quintet-led process and call on all parties to engage in good faith.
 

In 2004, Vladimir Putin stood in Kyiv and described the Pechersk Lavra as a “symbol of the spiritual unity of Russia and Ukraine”.

Today, more than 20 years later, this same man is sending out swarms of drones and ballistic missiles which last week caused precisely this supposed symbol to go up in flames. 

What grotesque cynicism! 

Which incidentally also reveals the full extent of the contradiction inherent in Russian propaganda: anyone who claims to be “liberating” or “protecting” a “sister nation” does not bomb its holiest sites. 

Its cultural memory. 

We see that Putin’s war of destruction does not stop at places of worship, at faith, at religion. What the Kremlin wants is no less than to obliterate Ukraine’s identity and culture. 

That is illustrated by the burning ruins of the Dormition Cathedral in Kyiv. 

And by the Transfiguration Cathedral in Odesa, which was bombed in July 2023. I have seen that myself. 

It is illustrated very clearly by the numerous ruined and damaged churches and cathedrals, but also mosques and synagogues, in addition to bombed museums, theatres and other cultural sites in Ukraine, which Russia has invaded. 

And precisely because these images show us what the real objective is – Putin is conducting more than a war to acquire territory, he is waging a war against Ukraine’s identity, freedom and dignity – it is all the more true that 

this war of aggression will only strengthen our unwavering support for the freedom and sovereignty of Ukraine. 

Bishop Jüsten, you yourself said at the ecumenical prayers for peace on the 4^th anniversary of Russia’s invasion, where we also met, that 

Ukraine is defending its own freedom, but also, of course, our freedom.

You then went on to say, quite rightly, that many people in Germany are still reluctant to acknowledge this connection.

That is because false prophets are attempting to exploit for their own despicable ends the longing that so many people in Germany have for peace. 

These false prophets try to convince us that we only need to silence the weapons, to commence talks, for peace to descend almost automatically. 

For me as Foreign Minister, part of my job description is to explore diplomatic options, and Bishop Jüsten, when you sent me and my team out into the world to serve, the spiritual message you gave us specifically called us to be peacemakers. Twice we heard the words: “Peace be with you, the word of Jesus”. 

So we have to explore these paths, and that is what we are all doing. 

Russia, as has become clear in recent months, cannot win its war of aggression from a military perspective. 

And that is exactly why new momentum is currently being sparked in many places. Why there is hope that a path to negotiations could open up. 

Yet the only person that so far has regrettably shown no serious interest in wanting to silence the weapons is still sitting in the Kremlin. 

For four long winters he has systematically bombed the civilian energy and heating infrastructure. He has not managed to use the weapons of cold and darkness to break the will of the Ukrainian people to defend themselves. Now he is trying to do so by unleashing drones on their monasteries. We can still learn a great deal from this resilience.

I therefore also want to say to you in my role as Foreign Minister that diplomacy needs a foundation of strength. 

We don’t negotiate within some kind of vacuum of illusions, but on the basis of reality. 

And for Ukraine we have very realistic, very clear guidelines. 

We need an immediate ceasefire. That is the prerequisite for any form of negotiation. 

The current front line must be the starting point of any negotiations. 

We need security guarantees for Ukraine, and they must be reliable and legally sound. 

And European and transatlantic security interests must be rigorously taken into account. 

Yet the precondition for all this is that Russia shows a serious interest in a diplomatic solution. And that is not the case. 

And as long as that is not the case, we will strive to increase the pressure on Russia, for example with a 21^st sanctions package which should hurt the Kremlin. 

And in the EU by extending our economic sanctions against Russia for the first time for twelve rather than only for six months. 

At the G7 summit in Évian last week we also managed to send another clear message to the Kremlin. 

However, support for Ukraine comprises more than military and economic assistance. 

It also involves paving the way for the country’s political future. 

Our goal is clear: we want to support Ukraine on its way into the European family. 

And we are making good progress along this path. Just over a week ago, I met with the EU Foreign Ministers in Luxembourg. 

There, we achieved a breakthrough. 

We finally reached unanimous agreement among the EU Member States to open the first chapter of EU accession for Ukraine and Moldova. With this step, we are underscoring our solidarity once more. 

We as the German Government strongly welcome the fact that this is now advancing quickly. Of course, it is important to point out that this process is not a one-way street and also requires the accession candidates to make progress on implementing their reforms. 

Our engagement for Ukraine is therefore twofold. 

We are providing support in the form of military, humanitarian and economic assistance and by opening up political prospects. 

Prospects that in that form were not evident prior to the Russian invasion. And that perhaps shows the extent of Putin’s strategic miscalculation. 

Germany is assuming prime responsibility in this situation and leading the way in Europe. Yet we are also doing so in other areas. 

For Russia’s aggression is not our sole crisis issue. 

At the latest when we look towards the South and the East, we can see how closely the crises afflicting our world are interconnected. 

Now, following the recent steps that the United States and Iran have taken towards one another, a ray of hope has appeared in the Gulf. Here, too, we as the German Government – but also of course together with our European friends and partners – stand ready to play our part and shoulder international responsibility. 

After all, we are already feeling the impact of the blockade in the global economy – I think that is clear to everyone. When people drive to get petrol, if not before, they notice it directly. However, I want to mention some other examples. 

In Asia, as a result of the blockade, fertiliser is scarce, and the rice harvests are smaller. This shortage means that food prices are rising significantly. Families are starving. 

Yet the blockade is also affecting aid supplies. Not only because the humanitarian organisations themselves have to pay higher prices on the global market, but also because the increase in fuel prices is making further inroads into their already reduced budgets. 

In some cases, aid supplies are in danger of no longer finding their way to the places where they are most urgently needed. In the Sudan, for example, where the greatest humanitarian disaster of our times is unfolding before our eyes, where a poverty-stricken population of millions is caught in the crossfire between two hostile warlords and their international sponsors.

In the Strait of Hormuz, both sides have now declared that shipping is to resume. However, several weeks, maybe even months, will pass before that happens and the effects on the strained global food and energy markets can be felt. 

Ladies and gentlemen, 

Whether we are talking about freedom in Ukraine, protecting shipping routes in the Strait of Hormuz or the suffering in the Sudan, one thing is very clear. 

Appeals in themselves combined with a bit of good will are not enough. We need to act. As Germany, as Europe. 

We find ourselves in a world that is in the throes of radical change. The global tectonics of power are shifting faster than they have done for generations. 

For many years, Germany’s prosperity and also Germany’s moral compass were inconceivable without the United States. 

And today, we can see that the transatlantic relationship is now very different from what it was 15 years ago.

Yet we cannot afford to disregard the facts. As a realist, I view the world as it is and not as I would like it to be. 

I can therefore say the following about the transatlantic relationship: today, Europe can no longer presume that the United States will issue a blank cheque for our security. We simply expected it to do so for many years, and it was something we took rather too much for granted, we were probably too comfortable holding those expectations.

And now we have taken decisions that are perhaps initially unpopular, but necessary. 

When I said just under a year ago that we need five percent of our GDP for defence, I encountered criticism here, too. Fortunately, that is now the declared goal of all NATO allies. 

Ladies and gentlemen,

I hope I haven’t now painted too black a picture of our world as I experience it every day in my role as Foreign Minister. 

But I am convinced, as I just said, that we need to view the world realistically. 

And that political strength alone will not be sufficient. 

After all, any enduring peaceful order needs more than power and deterrence. 

When we are dealing with a nihilistic desire to destroy, but also with a rapid technological revolution that will radically transform our human coexistence, we need more than the resources that the state has at its disposal. 

We also need an ethical bedrock. 

The Catholic Church is a global church. Its moral voice sounds out far beyond national borders and into the heart of societies. 

It has networks and channels to which no government ministry has access. My appeal to you is this: keep making use of them. 

You can provide answers to questions concerning humanity that reverberate around the world. 

Pope Leo XIV did so recently in his encyclical letter on the subject of artificial intelligence.

In which he called upon those who are developing the modern models to act responsibly. And reminded them that they hold power in their hands, that their technology is not neutral. In which he warned against the dehumanisation of warfare.

And which is more than anything else a passionate appeal for those qualities that AI – in the words of the Pope – may imitate and simulate, but can never understand. 

Joy and pain. 

Love, work, friendship and responsibility. 

Peace on earth does not result from blindly handing over the responsibility for our human coexistence to a new technology.

And true peace is not created by capitulation in the face of an aggressor to whom nothing is sacred. 

It stems only from justice and the unconditional protection of human dignity. 

For this we need states with the ability to act. 

But also people and institutions, indeed churches, to provide orientation. 

Thank you. 

The Black Sea, the Baltic Sea and the North Atlantic differ fundamentally in their geography, as well as in their water characteristics.

What unites them is the same threat: Russia.

This threat today is not punctual or selective. 

Like a channel, it runs through Europe and beyond, along the Russian border up to the North. 

From the Black Sea to the Arctic, Russia seeks to assert alleged historical claims and project a sphere of influence. 

It is trying to build up political pressure, spread fear and divide our alliance. 

But Russia will not prevail.

Because Europe and NATO are united against the threat.

Here in Kiel, the Baltic Sea is the most obvious theatre of conflict.

Over the past years, it has become a security hotspot. We all know: It is of paramount importance to our collective security.

It forms the eastern end of NATO’s Sea Lines of Communication, which stretch across the North Atlantic all the way to the eastern coast of North America.

Russia’s illegal war against Ukraine, which began in 2014, has demonstrated with complete clarity that Putin’s Russia poses a threat to freedom and security in Europe and against NATO.

In particular to particularly to those states that share a border with Russia.

Our Baltic Allies had been warning of this danger for many years.

Most of the European countries remained deaf to these warnings until Russia illegally occupied Crimea by force and brought war back to Europe.

Beginning in 2016, NATO started adapting its force posture along the northeastern flank in response.

Because we understood that the Baltic Republics’ borders with Russia and Belarus are a weak spot on NATO’s northeastern flank.

Today, nobody would call it a weak spot anymore. 

NATO’s presence has developed from the “tripwire” into a transatlantic stronghold. 

It is, by the way, also an area where European NATO members already have taken on the full responsibility of ensuring our security, supported by strong allies from the other side of the North Atlantic, like Canada.

When we speak about transatlantic relations these days, we must not forget that our Canadian allies are strongly committed as NATO framework nation in Latvia.

Because we all have understood that the Baltic Sea itself is central to defence for the whole alliance.

It serves as a strategic route for reinforcement and resupply. 

Sweden and Finland, our newest NATO members, heavily rely on these supply-routes via the Baltic Sea.

And militarily, the Baltic Sea is the maritime gateway to central Europe.

Russia knows this. 

That is why Russia increasingly sees the Baltic Sea as a zone of confrontation.

We have witnessed acts of sabotage, espionage activities, GPS jamming, incursions by drones and fighter jets into NATO airspace, the transit of Russia’s shadow fleet, and the repeated appearance of Russian research vessels near critical infrastructure.

This is precisely why it is so important that BALTOPS, now in its 55th year, continues to be held as a major multinational maritime exercise in the Baltic Sea.

BALTOPS is led by the US Sixth Fleet. 

Later today, we will have the opportunity to welcome its commander, Vice Admiral Anderson, to one of the panel discussions.

At a time when many debates are taking place on the future of NATO, it is always useful to look at operational reality.

And what we see right in front of us, here in Kiel, is clear.

While some have prematurely declared transatlantic cooperation to be weakening or even dying, the US Sixth Fleet has consistently conducted this exercise for fifty-five years.

Our ally, the US, expects European countries to stand up for their own security. 

And they are right to do so. 

But make no mistake: This idea did not originate with the current administration. 

Long before, the US appealed to Europe to take deterrence and defence seriously. 

We didn’t want to hear it. 

Times have changed significantly.

Today, most of the European countries are investing in their armed forces in a sustainable way. 

And for the German Armed Forces I can admit: we are not yet where we want to be. 

But we are becoming stronger day by day. 

For the last two weeks, our naval forces trained alongside fourteen other nations’ navies. 

Especially in times like these, BALTOPS sends a powerful message to those who would like to see the transatlantic bond weakened or broken.

Russia is one of those states.

Obviously, Putin has miscalculated.

Today, in the Baltic Sea region and beyond, Russia faces significantly stronger NATO forces than it did only a few years ago.

This is the result of increasing investment in our armed forces. 

Across NATO, these investments must continue moving toward the agreed target of five percent. 

It is quite simple: NATO is Europe’s security provider.

Therefore, the 5% target is in Europe’s security interest. 

If we invest in NATO, we invest in Europe. 

And Germany is committed to being among the leading countries in this effort. 

Yet here in Kiel, with all the impressive naval vessels in the harbour, another lesson becomes clear.

Building up our capabilities and enhancing defence readiness is one of the most pressing but also most difficult challenges for all of our armed forces today. 

Investing more money in our security is an undeniable necessity – however, transforming budgets into real military capabilities is just as important.

Only then will our actions match our words.

One country that demonstrates every day how to do this is Ukraine.

The heroic defence of Ukraine is the most modern conventional war of our time. 

It has already shaped the way wars will be fought.

And while most observers focus on land fight, it is also the maritime dimension where Russia is being successfully repelled.

Ukraine broke Russia’s presumed maritime dominance in the Black Sea through innovation, advanced technology and a steadfast will to fight.

When Russia illegally occupied and annexed Crimea in 2014, Putin in part justified his actions by claiming that otherwise “NATO ships would dock in the city of Russian naval glory, Sevastopol.”

NATO never had such an interest in Sevastopol.

Yet as a consequence of his own actions, Putin has had to watch Ukrainian drones repeatedly strike the port of Sevastopol, sink the “Moskva”, significantly reduce the Russian Black Sea Fleet, and deprive it of operational freedom of manoeuvre. 

Today, thanks to Ukraine’s naval way of war, much of that fleet is no longer based in Sevastopol but in Novorossiysk.

Instead of dominating the Black Sea, Putin has lost large parts of Russia’s maritime influence.

Russian naval glory is gone.

But something even more significant has happened from Russian perspective.

The Black Sea has returned to the strategic map of Western countries.

Last year, the European Union adopted its first-ever strategy for a stable and secure Black Sea region.

It is a first important step, bringing the Black Sea back to the centre of European strategic thinking. 

The implementation of this strategy is now a task for all of us.

The Black Sea is of utmost importance, both today and as we look to the future.

Because any future peace settlement for Ukraine must also address the maritime dimension of the war.

And the difficult and fragile balance between all Black Sea littoral states.

But for the time being, it is a contested battlespace.

Ukraine has succeeded in keeping open a corridor for the vital economic route that connects Ukraine with global markets.

Through this route, it can continue the grain exports that are essential for global food security.

This also highlights the different geopolitical roles Ukraine now plays.

We support Ukraine financially and through military assistance.

Particularly in the maritime domain, we provide Ukrainian naval forces with hardware and expertise – and we will continue to do so.

I’m grateful for the German Navy’s tremendous efforts in this regard.

But through its military excellence, Ukraine has evolved from a mere security receiver into a security provider and a strong strategic partner. 

Our recent bilateral government consultations in Berlin in April underlined this. 

We expanded our cooperation into a strategic partnership between Germany and Ukraine.

It is an obligation for Germany as a leading country in Europe. 

It is also in our national interest to do so.

Ukrainian expertise has become a benchmark for armed forces and defence industries around the world.

Ladies and gentlemen,

If we ask ourselves how we should defend the Baltic Sea region, we must look to the Black Sea. 

We must look to the North Atlantic and our strategic supply routes. 

We must look to the Arctic and the increasing challenges in the High North, where Russia’s nuclear submarines pose a threat to NATO-interests.

And where China increases its presence and influence.

For the time being, there is no shortage of geostrategic conflicts.

Luckily, representatives from every theatre I just mentioned are gathered here today. 

Let us, together and now, draw the right conclusions.

Thank you very much.

Gaude Mater Polonia – Rejoice, Oh Mother Poland. 

This hymn in praise of Saint Stanislaus of Szczepanów dates from 1253. 

Over the course of centuries, it became the anthem of the Kingdom of Poland and was sung at coronations and after victorious battles. 

This hymn has been handed down from a medieval fragment. Stolen by the Nazis from the library of Płock Seminary during the Second World War, we are now returning this manuscript to its rightful home.

We are also returning pioneering model railways, which were stolen from the Ministry of Transport in Warsaw in 1940. 

And, along with these models, we are giving back a ring that belonged to King Sigismund I the Old. Under his rule, a Polish-Lithuanian army defeated troops from the Grand Duchy of Moscow in the Battle of Orsha, in what is now Belarus, in 1514. At least at first glance, it seems that some things only change slowly.

In a spirit of friendship, let me sum it up as follows: while we Germans were still putting the final touches on the recipe for our purity law for German beer, people in Poland were already thinking in terms of independence and freedom and defending themselves in eastern Europe. 

Ladies and gentlemen, 

Let us be frank. 

All too often, German perceptions of Poland are superficial and sometimes also ill-informed. Unfortunately, this too forms part of our relationship. That needs to change, and I firmly believe that it is changing. 

The memorial to the Polish victims of war and German occupation between 1939 and 1945 to be erected in central Berlin on the site of the former Kroll Opera House will also help to bring about change. The design competition has already begun and will conclude this December when the jury convenes here at the Federal Foreign Office. 

In addition to the suffering that Germans caused Poles in the past, these incomplete perceptions can sometimes make our relations appear less warm than they actually are.

However, when I look at this hall today, where it is standing room only, then I do not see a lack of warmth – on the contrary, I see a vibrant friendship. It is no coincidence that the German-Polish Forum is our largest bilateral forum with a partner country. 

The German-Polish Treaty on Good Neighbourliness was signed on this day 35 years ago and marked a genuine turning point in our relations. Thanks to this Treaty, we have important organisations such as the Foundation for Polish-German Cooperation, which organised today’s event, and the German-Polish Youth Office, whose 35th anniversary we are also celebrating today. Since its foundation, the German-Polish Youth Office has made it possible for over three million young people to meet. It is wonderful that the German-Polish Friendship Rail Pass will be available this year – it will enable 60,000 young people to travel throughout their neighbouring country.

Furthermore, we will open a Goethe-Institut office in Lublin in November, the third such office in Poland. This will take place at a time when we unfortunately have to close Goethe-Institut branches in other locations, so it sends a special message.

German-Polish relations have become a well-established friendship, and as a Member of the German Bundestag, allow me to say to my fellow members here with us today that there could be even closer contact between our parliamentarians. I ask both sides to work on this. 

The late Polish Foreign Minister Władysław Bartoszewski described the “ordinariness and normality” between Germans and Poles – the ordinary day-to-day encounters between people on both sides of the border – as something that he particularly valued. 

We see precisely this ordinariness in the structures that have developed between Polish voivodeships and German Länder since 1991, for example in the Oder Partnership, which is celebrating its 20th anniversary this year. The town twinning and projects between Germany and Poland deserve particular recognition. And as a little teaser for the German-Polish Prize, which we will shortly award, I can already tell you that a very special project will be honoured with the prize today. 

This also involves something of a very practical nature, that is, being able to board a train and travel to the other country. And we have already achieved quite a lot in this regard. Since the start of this year, 17 pairs of trains run between Berlin and Warsaw every day – previously, there were only 11. 

However, ladies and gentlemen, in my opinion, this can only be the start. Berlin and Warsaw are 570 kilometres apart. The train journey takes five hours. 

That must become faster! We need a real high-speed rail line between our capitals, one that does not end in Berlin, but continues as far as Paris. It is a good first step that our Ministries of Transport are meeting in early July to see what impact a faster train connection would have on passenger numbers. My views on this are clear. We need this high-speed line as an important link between Germany and Poland.

However, railway lines and points are also important for another reason.

In a crisis situation, the same tracks that we use to visit one another would also be used to transport battle tanks. 

Germany and Poland are NATO’s logistical hubs. In a case of collective defence, hundreds of thousands of NATO soldiers would travel east through our countries – including to Poland, but also to the Baltic States. 

Together, Germany and Poland form the backbone of European defence and NATO deterrence against the threat posed by Russia. 

This means that those who invest in German-Polish railway lines are also investing in friendship and defence.

That is why it is good and important that we have signed a new German-Polish Agreement on Defence Cooperation. It reiterates our mutual assistance in accordance with Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty and Article 42 (7) of the Treaty on European Union. This Agreement offers the potential to finally make our defence-industry cooperation as strong as it should be between close neighbours and NATO partners. And it brings us closer together in joint exercises, particularly in the Baltic Sea region.

In this regard, one thing is absolutely clear. Europe’s security can only be decided jointly by the states of Europe. I have endeavoured to ensure this by reviving the Weimar Triangle, via the Weimar Plus format and via the E5 format that I suggested in Munich.

But let’s be honest. We are often too slow and too sluggish at European level. The principle of unanimity is one reason for this. This can cause us existential danger when it comes to matters of war and peace.

Radek, you yourself said in the Sejm in February that losing an EU vote does not mean losing one’s sovereignty. You said that Poland has the strength to augment and reform the European Union. Naturally, I would like to express my complete agreement with you and to thank you for these comments.

In my view, this means that we need majority voting in foreign policy. And we also need to make headway with smaller groups of EU member states where the 27 countries are not able or willing to do so together. Moreover, we must make progress on enlargement. 

This is not only a question of European credibility, but also of our very own security. 

The strong Europe we need begins here between our two countries, between our two capitals.

Thank you very much. Dziękuję.. Dziękuję.

Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul and his Polish counterpart Radosław Sikorski are presenting the German-Polish Prize to former Ambassador Janusz Reiter and the Frankfurt‑Słubice Cooperation Centre at the German-Polish Forum in Berlin today.

Knut Abraham, co‑chair of the German-Polish Prize jury, stated the following today (17 June 2026) regarding the jury’s decision:

The German-Polish Treaty on Good‑Neighbourliness is the cornerstone of our relations and of Poland’s success story in the EU and NATO. With Janusz Reiter, we are paying tribute to one of the key architects of the Treaty. The Frankfurt‑Słubice Cooperation Centre is a shining example of a particularly committed and innovative institution of German-Polish cooperation in the border region.

About the prize winners: 

With this award, the Foreign Ministers are paying tribute to former Ambassador Janusz Reiter for his exceptional lifelong commitment to developing German-Polish relations and for his important role in the political rapprochement between Germany and Poland. Moreover, they are acknowledging his contribution to building mutual trust following German reunification, to furthering Poland’s EU integration and to promoting reconciliation between the two countries.

The Foreign Ministers are honouring the Frankfurt‑Słubice Cooperation Centre with its exemplary day‑to‑day work in the European city of Frankfurt‑Słubice, in particular the border experiences project, which – as part of the Civic Education Month – brought together over 1000 people on both sides of the Oder River through more than 40 events for the first time in 2025. This was followed up with a European week in May 2026.

Background information:

The German-Polish Prize is awarded by the governments of both countries and is endowed with 20,000 euro. The German-Polish Treaty on Good‑Neighbourliness of 17 June 1991 envisages that the Prize should be awarded annually in recognition of special services to German-Polish relations. 

The signing of the Treaty on Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship and Cooperation 35 years ago marked a turning point in German-Polish relations, on which we look back with pride.

Today, Germany and Poland are not only neighbours and friends, but close equal partners and reliable allies, firmly anchored together in European and Euro-Atlantic structures. Not only was the Treaty an important part of the process of German-Polish reconciliation following long periods of division and mistrust, it also marked the starting point for profound, trust-based cooperation on all levels of our society.

The institutional and legal regulations established 35 years ago laid the foundations for today’s unprecedented level of German-Polish cooperation, which we primarily owe to the dedicated people in our countries. 

Since then, our countries have changed profoundly. Above all, we find ourselves in a fundamentally changed geopolitical environment, particularly in view of Russia’s comprehensive attack on Ukraine. In awareness of the tragic history of the 20th century, we bear a special responsibility for our region and our continent as allies in NATO and partners in the European Union. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine means that we face new political realities. Our response to it has become the yardstick of our responsibility and ability to act. Our joint commitment to strengthening European security is now a geopolitical necessity. The German-Polish contribution to securing the eastern flank is a good example of this. We welcome the signing of the new German-Polish Agreement on Defence Cooperation. It is testament to our determination to act together. The German-Polish partnership is, and will remain, a cornerstone of a strong, united Europe and a NATO that is able to defend itself.

Russia’s aggressive actions, in particular those of a hybrid nature and in the field of disinformation, are also aimed at us. Their goal is to divide our societies, to destroy public order and to undermine trust in the state and its institutions. We will not be intimidated. We will successfully enhance our resilience and inform our societies. Our overarching aim remains the protection of European values, including the rule of law and free elections, and ultimately a lasting and just peace in Ukraine that strengthens European security. We take the lessons of the past seriously. “Never again should there be war” is not a hollow phrase, but a duty to future generations. 

In awareness of German guilt, our tragic history will always serve as a warning to us. Eighty-one years after the end of the Second World War, the last survivors are leaving us. We firmly believe that history can unite people. This requires mutual empathy, but also concrete measures in the spirit of the Joint Declaration of 1 December 2025 that go beyond mere symbolics. We welcome the steps being undertaken to erect a memorial in central Berlin to the Polish people – victims of the Second World War and Nazi tyranny between 1939 and 1945 – and look forward to the outcome of the design competition towards the end of the year. We welcome the Federal Government’s decisions to date on returning stolen cultural property that belongs to Poland. Further returns will follow. 

Our economic cooperation is a source of particular satisfaction for us. Trade between Poland and Germany has multiplied in the past decades. Germany is among the three largest economies in the world. Poland is on the verge of becoming one of the 20 largest economies. The structure and profile of our trade relations have fundamentally changed. This helps to foster mutual prosperity, the creation of new jobs and the development of civil-society ties. However, we need new impetus in order to make full use of the societal and economic potential. Our companies and citizens await the further development of cross-border infrastructure and the expansion of transport connections. Not only will this make them more mobile and facilitate trade, it will also strengthen our military potential. We also advocate more partnerships, especially in the fields in which our two countries see a particular need for action, ranging from dual-use technologies and digitalisation to the development of artificial intelligence. 

The European Union is the linchpin of our cooperation. Strengthening and stabilising it is in our strategic interest. In this regard, we would like to make a joint contribution to the future of the European Union. Given the increasing challenges, we are in no doubt that the European Union will become our most important source of protection and our most crucial instrument for asserting our interests at global level. 

Like the Treaty on Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship and Cooperation, the Weimar Triangle also turns 35 this year. More than any other political format, it stands for the regained unity and the solidarity in Europe. We are in agreement as regards continuing to use the Weimar Triangle for joint impetus in foreign and EU policy and in strengthening cohesion in the European Union. We also welcome the intensive interministerial cooperation in the Weimar format. 

The perception of German-Polish relations has fundamentally changed. We face different challenges today to those we faced in 1991. Poland and Germany can do more – our freedom, security and prosperity are at stake. As neighbours, friends and allies, we bear responsibility for the future. We will rise to this challenge by jointly ensuring that our future relations are even closer, doing so responsibly, sincerely and in a spirit of partnership in the interests of Europe as a whole.

Shared responsibility for the history of Europe – Germany returns further war-displaced cultural property to Poland

Today, at the German-Polish Forum, various cultural objects that were removed or displaced during Germany’s occupation of Poland in the Second World War were returned to the Republic of Poland. These returns reflect the close cooperation between Germany and Poland on confronting historical injustice and are an expression of Germany’s responsibility towards Poland.

Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul lauded the returns: 

Today, 80 years after the end of the Second World War and in close cooperation with the holding institutions and the Polish side, cultural property that was stolen during the war and occupation can be returned to Poland. Its return is an expression of mutual respect, Germany’s enduring responsibility and our partnership based on mutual trust. As we mark the 35th anniversary of the Treaty on Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship and Cooperation, it further strengthens the firm ties between our countries. Remembrance of what happened, responsibility for the future and reconciliation as a task for generations continue to guide our actions today.

The Federal Government Commissioner for Culture and the Media, Wolfram Weimer, said:

I am delighted that the hymn “Gaude Mater Polonia” is being returned to the Polish people. It is one of the country’s oldest religious lyrics. Its return today is an important gesture of the recognition of historical injustice. It is the result of rigorous provenance research by the German institutions holding cultural property and of close and trusting cooperation with our Polish partners. Today we are writing a new chapter in the culture of remembrance of both our countries.

The President of the Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation, Marion Ackermann, said:

I am very happy that this early manuscript of the hymn “Gaude Mater Polonia”, a manuscript that bears witness to one of the darkest periods in the long history of German-Polish relations, can return to Poland today. Today we nurture friendly cooperation with the major cultural institutions in Poland – and wish to further intensify it. For example, the Staatsbibliothek will soon cooperate with four Polish libraries in a third‑party-funded project, and from tomorrow the National Museum in Warsaw is a guest at the Alte Nationalgalerie on Museum Island in Berlin.

Federal Transport Minister Patrick Schnieder said:

The current geopolitical situation and today’s celebrations remind us how precious German-Polish relations are. When it comes to mobility, we see it day in, day out: people from Poland and Germany make daily use of the many cross-border links, both rail and road. This shows how vibrant and how natural our partnership is today. I am therefore all the more delighted, as we mark the 35th anniversary, to return model railways and objects that have their historic place in Poland.

The Mayor of Pforzheim, Peter Boch, said:

In returning the ring, we are acting on the conviction that historical responsibility cannot be interpreted solely in legal terms. The ring has extraordinary cultural and idealistic significance for Poland. That is why Pforzheim city council decided to return it. We regard this step as a sign of respect and friendship towards our Polish neighbour. Not least as a city that itself experienced the repercussions of war and destruction, we know how important reconciliation is for coexistence in Europe.

Background information

Cooperation on the return of war-displaced cultural property has gained considerable momentum since the German-Polish intergovernmental consultations of 1 December 2025. A German-Polish working group set up on the initiative of Federal Chancellor Friedrich Merz and under the lead responsibility of the Federal Foreign Office is working with the Polish Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, the Federal Government Commissioner for Culture and the Media and the embassies of the two countries to process requests for returns.

The cultural objects returned today all have their own, often turbulent, provenance history.

Medieval manuscript with a fragment of the hymn “Gaude Mater Polonia”

The Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation is returning a medieval manuscript bearing part of the text of the Polish hymn “Gaude Mater Polonia”. It is not as yet known how the manuscript, comprising six parchment sheets, came to be in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, where it was kept as external property. It originates from the library of the seminary in Płock, whose holdings were plundered and largely destroyed during the Second World War.

The German occupying authorities removed the most valuable manuscripts from the library and took them to Königsberg. It has not yet been possible to clarify for certain how the manuscript then came to be in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. However, visible stamps from the seminary library provide conclusive proof of its origin.

It is likely that the three double sheets were originally part of a codex from the late 14th century. Given signs such as stains, folds and cuts, it is presumed that they were detached from the codex in the 16th or 17th century and used in another book. 

The object can be seen here: https://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB0003972B00000000.

Miniature railways and accessories from Warsaw Transport Museum

The Federal Ministry of Transport is returning eleven objects which were originally part of the collection of Warsaw Transport Museum and were in the possession of the Federal Railway Property Agency. The model railways and accessories were exhibited in Warsaw up until the summer of 1940, and were brought to the then Verkehrs- und Baumuseum Berlin (Transport and Construction Museum) during the German occupation.

Their origin could be reconstructed on the basis of historical accession registers. Back when the holdings of what is now known as the Deutsches Technikmuseum (German Museum of Technology) in Berlin were being scientifically catalogued, it was already possible to ascertain that the objects had been “taken over from Warsaw Transport Museum” in September 1940. Since 2003, they had been registered as war-displaced cultural property on the Lost Art online database.

Jagiellonian ring from Pforzheim Jewellery Museum

The Mayor of the City of Pforzheim is handing over a ring dating from the first half of the 16th century that is thought to have belonged to King Sigismund I the Old. The ring may have been a gift from his wife Bona Sforza, and was probably one of the relics in the so‑called Royal Casket of the Czartoryski princely family in Kraków. 

Shortly before Germany’s invasion of Poland, the collection was transported to Sieniawa and hidden, but it was plundered by German soldiers, probably in September 1939. The ring later found its way to Germany and in 1963 was gifted to Pforzheim Jewellery Museum as part of a large collection of rings.

The ring, made of high-carat yellow gold, bears a diamond of approx. 3.5 carats and is regarded as an outstanding example of Renaissance courtly jewellery.

Today’s returns are the latest of several returns of cultural property, including those of charters of the Teutonic Order and of a sculptural head from Malbork Castle to Poland. The German Government will continue to examine further requests from Poland for returns and, within the framework of the working group, systematically drive forward cooperation with the relevant institutions at federal, Land and municipal levels. 

Minister of State Serap Güler issued the following statement today (15 June) prior to her departure for Syria:

Germany and Syria are indeed linked by a special relationship. During the Assad dictatorship and the war in Syria, Germany always stood by the side of the Syrian people. We condemned the regime up until the moment that it fell. For many years, we provided support to the civilian population in Syria and to Syria’s opposition. We also offered refuge to more than one million people who fled Syria to escape repression by the Assad regime. 

Now, we are witnessing the possible dawn of a new Syria, and we want the full breadth and depth of the relationship between our countries to be leveraged toward this end. Germany has a paramount interest in a stable Syria that lives in peace with its neighbours and offers its citizens the prospect of peace and a life in security and dignity – a Syria that finally provides a stable and secure environment, legal certainty and economic opportunities. These are also conditions that would give many of the Syrians who have sought refuge elsewhere, including in Germany, the opportunity to return. Germany and Europe are supporting the Syrian Government and the people in Syria as they travel down this difficult but also very promising path. 

The rebuilding of Syria’s economy after decades of war is also a great opportunity for German businesses. The Syrian Government has announced it intends to open the country’s economy as well as modernise its administration and infrastructure and thereby create an attractive and secure environment for investment by foreign companies. There is increased interest within the German business community in Syria, and one of my goals during this trip is to campaign for more investment and trade. 

During my visit to the country, I will discuss this with representatives of Syria’s Government, business sector, civil society and its various minority groups. For the first time since the fall of the Assad dictatorship, our German Government delegation will also visit several regions beyond Damascus, including the coastal cities of Tartus and Latakia, as well as Syria’s former economic hub Aleppo, many parts of which today lie in ruins. 

In our view, an inclusive transition process is key to stabilising the country and giving it a peaceful future. This process must take into account the rights of all regional, social, religious and ethnic groups in Syria and must grant them equal political participation. That includes in particular the convening in the near future of the People’s Assembly that must represent the interests of all Syrians, from all parts of the population, so that it can serve as a platform for a peaceful debate – with equal rights for all – on the future of Syria.

Background information:

The visit by Minister of State Güler follows closely on the visit by President al‑Sharaa to Federal Chancellor Merz on 30 March 2026 and Foreign Minister Wadephul’s visit to Syria in October 2025. It is taking place just over one and a half years after the overthrow of Syria’s dictator Bashar al‑Assad on 8 December 2024 and the end of the war in Syria, which the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights estimates killed more than 600,000 people. More than twelve million people – more than half of the Syrian population – either fled Syria during the war or became internally displaced. More than one million refugees from Syria found refuge in Germany.

For many years, Germany has been one of the largest donors of humanitarian assistance for Syria and has helped meet basic needs for food, healthcare and housing. What is more, Germany provides the largest share of funding, via the Federal Foreign Office, to the Syria Recovery Trust Fund (SRTF), which implements, among other things, local healthcare, reconstruction and financial aid projects.

The Federal Government also supports activities via the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development in the spheres of health, infrastructure rehabilitation, education, water, local economic development, good governance and the rule of law. The private sector is incorporated into these activities to ensure sustainable economic development and the creation of job opportunities.

Other focuses of Germany’s support for Syria are assisting and mentoring efforts toward an inclusive and peaceful political transition and transitional justice.

When Federal Chancellor Merz received Syrian President al‑Sharaa on 30 March 2026 during his first official visit to Berlin, Chancellor Merz pledged to continue Germany’s support for a stable and prosperous Syria. For more information: www.bundesregierung.de

“How wonderful it would be...”

Hello, “Moin”, and a warm welcome to the Federal Foreign Office.

Christoph de Vries,

Ladies and gentlemen, 

And, first and foremost, esteemed peacekeepers,

“How wonderful it would be if suffering were to disappear,

how wonderful it would be without a war,

how wonderful it would be if wishes were genuine,

how wonderful it would be, but it won’t be.”

You may perhaps have already read these words today. 

You’ll find them on one of the panels that are part of the exhibition in the foyer. They were penned by a young Ukrainian man. 

As part of the “Poetry Project”, young people with a refugee background seek and find words to express their experiences in poems.

A number of the authors are with us today.

Thousands of texts have been written since 2016. 

Each one tells the story of an individual experience of uprooting, new beginnings and life in a foreign land. 

These stories are often characterised by war, by pain and death.

Ladies and gentlemen, we have decided to display selected texts from this project to mark this year’s Peacekeeping Day. 

After all, these words not only offer us insights into the experiences and feelings of the authors. 

Rather, they show us the reality in which our foreign policy takes effect. 

And when I speak of “foreign policy”, that might sound like something abstract. 

It becomes tangible when we, on this Peacekeeping Day, pay tribute to the people who give our foreign policy a face.

You’re doing this in very different ways, as soldiers, as police officers, as civilian advisors. 

Civilian and military expertise, hand in hand.

Esteemed award winners, you’re working in the most diverse places around the world towards a common goal: peace.

A state that’s often far removed from the regions in which you’re working. 

But we don’t even need to look too far afield to see that peace and security are not a given.

We have witnessed Russia’s illegal war against Ukraine for over four years now.

A war relentlessly waged by Putin’s regime against the people of Ukraine.

They have been heroically defending themselves for over four years now.

And they’re defending both their and our security. 

They’re defending Europe.

Russia’s recent threats against Latvia have demonstrated this all too clearly.

Threats made by the Russian representative in the United Nations Security Council.

In the very body in which states should jointly strive for peace through diplomacy, Russia is openly threatening a NATO ally with violence.

I want to state very clearly that such conduct makes a mockery of the Security Council! 

Ladies and gentlemen, as you know, we would have liked to have stood up to this behaviour in the Security Council as a non-permanent member.

You also know that we unfortunately didn’t make the cut in this intense competition. 

The fact that Germany wasn’t elected is regrettable. 

For us, but also for the United Nations.

It goes without saying that we enjoy very close relations with Austria and Portugal within the European Union and that we will liaise closely with one another – to promote a strong and resolute European voice in the UN Security Council.

We have a strong voice and influence also outside the Security Council. 

And we will continue to bring our influence to bear to make a tangible contribution to managing crises, resolving conflicts and ending wars.

After all, these are the challenges that we must address.

Challenges that require decisive action.

You, our peacekeepers, are doing just that.

You’re standing up for peace and security in various international organisations and in a wide range of missions and deployments.

I’m talking about your expertise, which makes a difference on the ground.

On the ground – that includes countries such as Kosovo, where we have had a NATO mission for over 20 years and are playing an active role in the region with German soldiers. 

Not only that, but our civilian peacekeepers are contributing to the stability of the region as advisors, prosecutors and forensic scientists. 

I’m talking about OSCE field offices in the Western Balkans.

About a UN peacekeeping mission in South Sudan.

About EU and NATO missions in Iraq.

About CSDP border monitoring missions in Armenia and Georgia.

About helping the Republic of Moldova to defend itself against hybrid threats from Russia.

And many other contributions, in which you, the German peacekeepers, bring your expertise to bear. 

You often do this under the most adverse circumstances, sometimes putting your own lives at risk.

And you bring the experiences that you gather there, the knowledge you acquire there, back to Germany with you. 

To the various institutions where you work

and where you can provide important impetus with a view to improving our work.

Our country thus benefits from your dedication in many different ways.

After all, the increasing interconnection between internal and external political challenges requires an ever-broader wealth of experience. 

Your contribution has a lasting impact. 

Not only abroad, but also here at home. 

This strengthens our country’s defensive capabilities. 

After all, we have seen in countries such as Ukraine that defensive capabilities aren’t just a question of the military. 

Rather, a society needs all of us in order to become able to defend itself, to become resilient.

I quoted the following at the beginning of my speech: “How wonderful it would be, but it won’t be.”

Ladies and gentlemen, these words speak for themselves. 

However, they aren’t the final word to my mind. 

I see them as a call to action for all of us. 

After all, one day this might read: 

“How wonderful it is…”

That’s what I want to work towards, and I’d like to thank everyone who supports me, who supports us in this endeavour. 

But especially you, our peacekeepers.

As an expression of this gratitude, I’d now like to present an award to three individuals on behalf of all the civilian experts seconded by the Centre for International Peace Operations.

And I’d like to start with you, Ms Albermann. 

Ms Albermann,

Since 2024, you have made an important contribution to peace and security in Europe at the NATO Liaison Office in the Republic of Moldova.

As an expert for foreign and security policy, you’re committed with great professionalism to strategic communication, to tackling disinformation and to strengthening the resilience of society as a whole. 

With your experience of NATO Headquarters in Brussels and the EU delegation in the US, you bring valuable expertise to a region where it is urgently needed. 

You’re strengthening Moldova’s democratic resilience.

Your involvement in the parliamentary elections was a particularly formative experience for you. 

You described how, while you were there, you were once again reminded of how important the EU is as an achievement. 

I’m familiar with this experience, this change of perspective, from my visits to the country.

With great personal commitment, you have built trust, brought people together and thus strengthened the partnership with the country. 

Connections to home are important especially when you’re abroad. 

It’s wonderful to see that you’re sharing this moment with your family today.

Ms Albermann,

At a time when disinformation is deliberately being deployed to destabilise democracies and our societies in Europe are facing major challenges, your commitment is particularly important. 

It’s a great pleasure for me to present you with this award today.

Congratulations! 

Mr Hofmann,

You have put your knowledge, experience and commitment at the service of peace and security for 25 years now. 

I would like today to express my thanks to you for that.

Since 2025, you have been Head of Security and Health at the EU mission in Rafah. 

Your work builds on an extraordinary wealth of experience 

which includes missions within the framework of the OSCE, EUPOL COPPS and EULEX in Kosovo.

You’re responsible for the security of the mission personnel, thus, in a critical environment, enabling the mission to operate in the first place. 

Your example underscores the indispensable role played by civilian expertise in peacekeeping. 

For instance, you have made a significant contribution to helping reopen the Rafah crossing. 

To ensuring that people in Gaza have access to medical treatment. 

I can imagine that this task was and continues to be one of the most difficult of your career. 

But your motivation remains undiminished, even after 25 years. 

The wide range of tasks and the different challenges you face, as well as the appreciation that you receive for your work spur you on time and again.

You have said that no one mission is the same.

This makes the people who have supported you over many years all the more important. This includes your partner, who has long accompanied you on your journey. 

Mr Hofmann,

Your commitment stands for experience, dependability and the willingness to take responsibility for others. 

It is with great appreciation that I now present you with this award .

Congratulations! 

Mr Körner, 

Since 2023, you have supported Ukraine as part of EU Advisory Mission EUAM in the prosecution of international crimes against the backdrop of the ongoing war. 

The work of the Ukrainian authorities has set new standards around the world in this regard. 

This, in addition to your 12-year stint at the International Criminal Court in The Hague, has made you a staunch advocate of international law. 

Furthermore, you assumed management of the mission’s Legal Unit last year.

Where the law is violated on a daily basis, people are needed who defend it.

You, Mr Körner, are working with a high level of expertise and personal courage in an environment characterised by war, uncertainty and the most heinous crimes.

I myself was in Ukraine this year for the fourth anniversary of the Bucha massacre.

It was there that I announced Germany’s involvement – including personnel – in a special tribunal to investigate Russia’s crimes. 

This also builds on your crucial work.

Despite all the challenges, you have never lost your firm belief in the importance of your work. 

When you speak about this, you talk about the impressive strength of civil society and those who hold firm to law and justice under the most difficult circumstances.

Far from home, the bond that you share with your family forms an important foundation. 

It’s wonderful that you are able to spend the next few days here in Berlin with your parents, whom we also offer a warm welcome today.

Your commitment shows that, behind the lofty terms law, justice and the rule of law, there are always people and names at the end of the day. 

I now present you with this award for your commitment.

Congratulations! 

Albania, Australia, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, New Zealand, North Macedonia, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom, and the United States of America condemn the lethal plotting and other malign actions in Europe and North America and Australia by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Intelligence Organisation, Quds Force and Ministry of Intelligence and Security, including those against Iranian dissidents, journalists and Jewish and Israeli communities and interests. We stand united in our determination to protect our countries and our people against these threats. The Islamic Republic of Iran must halt these actions now.  

 The relationship between Iranian security services and international and local criminal groups is long standing. Their use of these groups is deplorable.  

 We also condemn the recent campaign of attacks across Europe targeting Jewish communities, Iranian journalists and US interests, claimed by Harakat Ashab al-Yamin al-Islamiya and supported by their intermediaries.  

 Attempts to kill, kidnap, harass, intimidate, or otherwise attack people on our soil, undermines national sovereignty and international norms. These actions must stop immediately. We commend the work of countries to counter these activities, and we are together resolved to undertake further measures to halt them.

The text of the following statement was released by the Governments of the United States of America and the countries and organizations of Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Norway, the United Kingdom, African Union (AU), the European Union (EU), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the League of Arab States (LAS), and the United Nations (UN) on the occasion of the conclusion of the Quintet (AU, IGAD, LAS, EU, and UN) consultations with Sudanese political stakeholders in Addis Ababa from June 3-5, 2026 following up on the Sudan conference in Berlin of April 15, 2026.

Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Norway, the United Kingdom, the United States, the African Union (AU), the European Union (EU), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the League of Arab States (LAS), and the United Nations (UN) reaffirm their shared and unwavering commitment to the people of Sudan and to a peaceful, democratic, and stable future for the country, as well as to the sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of Sudan.

We express deep concern over the devastating humanitarian consequences of the ongoing conflict, where millions face displacement, acute food insecurity, and limited access to basic services, while attacks on civilians and infrastructure persist. The protection of civilians must remain central.  We reaffirm the urgent need for a humanitarian truce, leading to a permanent ceasefire.

We welcome the outcomes of the Berlin Conference, including the ‘Berlin Principles for Sudan’ adopted by 22 countries and organizations and the ‘Joint Call to End the War and Advance a Sudanese-Owned Political Process’ issued by Sudanese civilian stakeholders and facilitated by the Quintet (the African Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, League of Arab States, European Union, and the United Nations).  Together, they serve as an important step towards strengthening international coordination and reinforcing support for a civilian-led path towards a durable peaceful settlement. We stand united in our belief that there can be no military solution to this crisis, and that a sustainable resolution must be rooted in an inclusive, civilian-led political process that reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people.

We underscore the importance of advancing the civilian track as a central pillar in efforts to end the war and lay the groundwork for a democratic and inclusive civilian-led transition process that is free of control or undue influence by any one party and that is independent of extremist groups. We support a swift and time-bound civilian track that leads to a civilian-led transition, with an intention to continue to review and assess progress and implementation of agreed benchmarks.  Appropriate measures will be considered by the international community against those who seek to undermine the civilian transition process.  We reaffirm that Sudan’s future governance is for the Sudanese people to decide through an independent, inclusive, and transparent civilian-led transition process.

To this end, we collectively support the Quintet’s urgent preparations and commencement—in the coming few weeks—of a comprehensive and inclusive Sudanese civilian-led dialogue process. This process, and its preparations, should bring together a broad spectrum of Sudanese civilian and political actors, including representatives of civil society, women’s groups, youth, and stakeholders representing Sudan’s geographic and social diversity, and should be conducted in a manner that is transparent, credible, and free from coercion.

We further express our readiness to support the Quintet’s efforts to ensure that this dialogue is structured in a way that enables it to be feasibly and reasonably concluded in a timely manner—ideally within six months—and to complement efforts for peace and the broader transition. Its outcome should establish a clear pathway toward a transition process to an independent civilian-led government, grounded in legitimacy, accountability, and respect for human rights. We underscore that the establishment of such an independent civilian-led government is indispensable to ensuring a durable end to the conflict.

We call for broader international support and reaffirm our commitment to continued coordination to help end the conflict, alleviate suffering, and support Sudan’s peaceful transition, as well as ensuring mutually reinforcing action in support of advancing these ends goals.

These last two weeks, I spent more time in New York than here in Berlin. The way things turned out for Germany there – and we need to say this straight out – was a bitter disappointment.

We stood firmly behind our campaign for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council, where we wanted to make an important contribution as one of the United Nations’ largest supporters. We did so because we so highly value our engagement in the UN, and in the other international organisations.

The motto we chose for our campaign was “Respect. Justice. Peace.”

It expressed our desire to assume responsibility for peace and security within the United Nations and to work to bolster the multilateral order.

This remains valid. “Respect. Justice. Peace.” is at the core of what our German foreign policy stands for. Germany remains a reliable partner. We continue to take on responsibility around the world.

And that includes you!

The responsibility you assume is part of the big picture. It helps make multilateralism work.

Therefore, I truly want to thank you all: Thank you for coming to Berlin – no matter how long your journey was. Thank you for taking it upon yourselves – for the first time in eight years – to attend this in-person gathering again. And thank you especially for the work that you do every day. For Germany. For Europe. For the world.

With some 600 of you in attendance, it is almost impossible to pay tribute to the full breadth of activities you are engaged in:

Some of you work at the United Nations, at NATO, in the EU and in all the many other European institutions. In financial and security organisations, at European and international courts of justice, in development programmes and in the sphere of humanitarian assistance. It is thanks to you that people from Germany have leverage and are involved in decision-making all around the world. You help make international cooperation work.

That is what today is all about.

Ladies and gentlemen,

International problems require joint solutions –

because crisis, war and migration know no borders.

As is the case for global supply chains, or for the effects of climate change.

You all know that Russia’s war of aggression is directed not only at Ukraine, but also against the entire Euro-Atlantic security architecture, and against core tenets of international law.

The war against Iran concerns us all, way beyond the region itself. Events in recent hours have once again made this clear. Around the world, we are feeling the impact on energy prices and supplies, on food and fertiliser, and we see the risk of new famines and food crises on the horizon.

In the Sudan, we are witnessing one of the most severe humanitarian crises of our time. That is why, in April, representatives from numerous states and organisations convened – here, in this very hall – to collaboratively seek solutions to humanitarian suffering and displacement in the Sudan.

These crises and conflicts cannot be resolved by any one state on its own.

They can only be tackled through teamwork. By settling our differences of opinion at the negotiation table. By engaging in dialogue, rather than choosing isolationism. And by talking to each other, despite having – or should I say precisely because we have – different interests.

This is how we, as Germans, would like to shape multilateralism.

This multilateral system is not perfect.

Many organisations – the United Nations, as well as the EU – urgently require reform.

And indeed, this reform will to some extent also bring cuts in staff. What is important to me is that Germans are not disproportionately affected.

Ultimately, strong institutions should adapt to, and reflect, changes in the world. They must remain capable of action.

This adaptation to new realities is, by the way, also what is driving the structural reform at the Federal Foreign Office that we implemented this last weekend. This morning, all of the colleagues here at the Ministry took up their duties under the new roles they’ve been assigned in the new structure. As an organisation, we are now much more closely tailored to the needs of our present-day strategic environment.

And the international and European organisations that you work for must do likewise: You need to adapt along with the geopolitical challenges, as they evolve.

That is why, this May, I made six specific reform proposals for the European Union. Because we must become stronger and more effective as the EU – so that, as Europeans, we can help shape the tremendous transformations that are taking place around the world.

Ladies and gentlemen, our shared task is not to administer multilateralism. Our task is to renew and invigorate it.

Currently, some 9500 Germans work at just under 300 international organisations and European institutions.

That’s an impressive number! At the same time, we know that, compared to our standing and our engagement – including our financial contributions – the figure could be even higher.

Looking around here today, I realise that we need more people like you!

We need more young professionals from Germany who are prepared to take on responsibility in Europe and the wider world.

We want as many Germans as possible to succeed in their job applications – whether it be in the EU Competition for European civil servants or for positions at NATO, the UN Secretariat and other UN posts.

You should know that I regularly also work to garner support for these candidatures within the Federal Government.

This includes us at the Federal Foreign Office making working at an international organisation even more attractive and accessible to our own staff.

Of course, letting go of the best people we’ve got is not exactly pleasant. But I know very well that, when these colleagues return, they bring with them a wealth of experience that they can put to excellent use here at the Ministry.

The insight they’ve gained is of immeasurable value for our work. And this makes all of you a strategic resource for our country. I want us to put this added value to even better use.

Because you form a strong network –

a Team Germany, if you will, that defines itself not only through roles and institutions, but through personal exchange, trust and mutual support.

This means sharing experiences and opening doors for each other. Jointly ensuring that German expertise exists where international decisions are taken. And, vice versa, ensuring that your international expertise is present in those key places where national decisions are taken. 

Therefore, I urge you today to make good use of these two days in Berlin! Hand out all of your calling cards, and get digitally connected. Network, both amongst yourselves and especially with us, the Federal Foreign Office and the other Ministries.

So that, as Team Germany, we can together assume responsibility for peace and security.

Thank you very much for being here today. I look forward to our conversations.

The third Security Policy Consultations between the Foreign and Defence Ministries of Australia and Germany convened today on 8 June 2026 at the level of Ministers. The Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany, Dr. Johann Wadephul, and the Federal Minister of Defence of Germany, Boris Pistorius, welcomed the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence of Australia, the Hon Richard Marles MP, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Australia, Senator the Hon Penny Wong, to Berlin.

Australia and Germany are determined to address common and similar security and regional challenges in close cooperation, based on shared values and interests, including through our increasingly close bilateral cooperation, with the aim of promoting international peace, stability and the rules-based international order.

Global Security Challenges

Ministers unequivocally condemned Russia’s illegal war of aggression against Ukraine and demanded its complete and unconditional withdrawal. Both countries reaffirmed their call for a comprehensive and unconditional ceasefire as a first step towards a just and lasting peace and underscored their continued steadfast support for Ukraine. Ministers agreed that such support remains crucial, including via NATO. They called on support from the international community to increase the pressure on Russia, including for third countries to cease their direct and indirect support to Russia’s military, and for those with influence on Russia, particularly China, to play a positive role in achieving a just and lasting peace.

Against the backdrop of expanding conflict and escalating humanitarian impacts in the Middle East, Australia and Germany called on all parties to uphold international law and protect civilian life. Ministers unequivocally condemned Iran’s dangerous escalations, particularly in and around the Strait of Hormuz, its attacks against merchant vessels, and threats of further attacks. They recognised the severe disruptions to the global economy and supply chains, and reaffirmed their shared commitment to open markets and rules-based trade in energy resources, liquid fuels, and downstream commodities. Ministers reiterated their support for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict and urged Iran to immediately and unconditionally restore free, safe and toll-free passage through the Strait, based on international law.

Ministers recognised that economic security is critical to national security. They highlighted the importance of coordinated, strategic action aimed at building shared economic resilience working with like-minded powers. 

Indo-Pacific Cooperation

Ministers committed to building resilience through encouraging deeper cooperation between Europe and the Indo-Pacific, including with like-minded partners. They underlined the pivotal role of international law as the foundation of the international order and reaffirmed the importance of freedom of navigation and overflight as enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, noting that the 2016 South China Sea Arbitral Award is final and binding on the parties. 

Ministers underscored the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and reaffirmed their shared opposition to any unilateral action to change the status quo by force or coercion. They reaffirmed that differences should be managed through dialogue and supported Taiwan’s meaningful participation in international organisations as a member where statehood is not a prerequisite, and as an observer or guest where it is.

Ministers agreed to continue working together to support a peaceful, stable and prosperous Pacific region. They reaffirmed their shared commitment to COP31 including the importance of the pre-COP in the Pacific and global support for Pacific island countries’ resilience.

Defence Cooperation

Ministers recognised the deteriorating international security environment and underscored the importance of strengthening defence cooperation. They committed to enhancing how our militaries exercise and cooperate, including by facilitating the movement of defence personnel and equipment through our respective territories and removing unnecessary barriers to operational collaboration. Following agreement in April 2026 to pursue a status of forces agreement, today Ministers announced the formal commencement of negotiations towards, and shared commitment to, reaching in-principle agreement of the text by the end of 2026. They also agreed to continue exploring opportunities for enhanced cooperation in space, discussed ways to bolster their defence industrial bases, and reaffirmed their close and trusted partnership in strengthening supply chain resilience and promoting economic growth. 

Cybersecurity and Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference

Ministers discussed the importance of cooperating on countering cyber and hybrid threats, as well as foreign information manipulation and interference, recognising the impacts of these challenges on democratic institutions and processes. They committed to ongoing cooperation to build collective responses, including in multilateral fora, to promote resilient, healthy, open, and fact-based environments.

Multilateral System

Ministers reaffirmed their steadfast support for international law and multilateral institutions, in particular the United Nations. Regarding the UN80 Initiative, Australia and Germany will work together and with partners, as well as with the United Nations and its agencies, in driving forward reform to build a more effective and efficient UN.

They also reiterated their strong commitment to the multilateral economic and trading system, including the World Trade Organization and the G20.

Establishing Franco-German cultural institutes is one of the 15 priority projects of the Treaty of Aachen, which was signed by Germany and France on 22 January 2019. Through this joint initiative, our two countries are working together to create innovative cultural spaces which boost the attractiveness of our respective networks, promote intercultural dialogue and inject life into the democratic and humanistic values that form the basis of our partnership. 

Seven years after the Treaty of Aachen was signed, three Franco-German cultural institutes have already been opened: in Palermo in 2021 and in Ramallah and Atlanta in 2022. We are now continuing this momentum with the inauguration of two further cultural centres.

On 27 May, the Franco-German cultural institute in Córdoba (Argentina) was opened. This was preceded by a year of conversion work at the Alliance Française in Córdoba, which now also houses the Goethe-Institut. A further Kultur Ensemble is due to open in Glasgow (United Kingdom) on 3 June, following many years of cooperation between the Institut français d’Écosse, the Alliance Française Glasgow and the Goethe-Institut. 

In addition, thanks to the bilateral agreement signed on 16 April 2026 between the French and the Kyrgyz governments, it is now possible to look to opening another joint cultural centre in Bishkek towards the end of this year. 

These launches illustrate the momentum that is being generated in the sphere of Franco-German cultural cooperation and the joint desire to create new spaces for dialogue, creativity and open debate on today’s societies.

Germany and France share the conviction that culture and language play a crucial role in promoting mutual understanding, strengthening democratic values and defending freedom in the service of peace. In an international environment dominated by tensions and isolationist tendencies, the opening of the Franco-German cultural institutes stands for a common objective: to design a European space for cultural cooperation directed towards young people and embodying a resolutely globally minded approach. The values of diversity, plurality and openness form the foundation of European culture and our Franco-German cooperation, which is now closer than ever.

Minister of State Serap Güler issued the following statement today (1 June) prior to her departure for Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates:

My trip to Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates will focus on current regional challenges as well as the war in the Sudan. Resolute engagement is needed in order to bring to an end the destructive pursuit of military solutions and allow a civilian transition process for the Sudan to begin. Central guidelines for this are the Berlin Principles for the Sudan, which were adopted in April following the Sudan conference in Berlin. In view of the growing number of crises and conflicts, close exchange with our partners in the Middle East is both a priority for us and a political necessity.

Germany and Egypt enjoy close and intensive dialogue on regional and bilateral issues such as business, energy and migration. Moreover, our exchange in the field of cultural relations and education policy is closer than with almost any other country in the region. In light of the current crises in the region, Egypt has an important role to play in promoting peace, security and regional stability. I plan to discuss this with our partners in Cairo.

Saudi Arabia is a key security policy stakeholder in the region and as such is an important factor in any solution for regional conflicts and their global impact. Saudi Arabia has embarked upon a hugely dynamic path of economic diversification and social liberalisation, anchored in stability and reliability.

For us, the United Arab Emirates is a strategic partner which, as a signatory to the Abraham Accords, maintains good relations with Israel. With my colleagues in Abu Dhabi I intend to discuss particularly also the war in the Sudan and intensifying our cooperation in the area of cultural relations and education policy.

 

Resolving crises requires staying power.

Success is often the product of patient and devoted mediation, which today is needed more than ever before.

For three years now, a brutal war has been raging in Sudan. It has resulted in the greatest humanitarian catastrophe of our time with millions of people suffering.

To help end this suffering, we convened representatives from 55 countries at the Berlin Sudan conference in April.

Together, we mobilised 1.7 billion dollars in humanitarian assistance for Sudan, including 270 million dollars from Germany alone. 

Sudanese civil society agreed on a Joint Call to End the War. 

States and international organisations reached agreement on the Berlin Principles to guide a peaceful resolution of the conflict.

This same spirit of sustained engagement has guided us in other crises. 

Haiti is facing a collapse of public security and a dramatic humanitarian situation.

A Haitian-led political process is needed so that stability can return. Germany is among the largest donors supporting sustained efforts for peace and stability. 

Libya faces prolonged conflict marked by repeated breakdowns of ceasefire agreements.

At the Berlin Conferences, Germany helped bring key international, regional and Libyan stakeholders together within the framework of the United Nations. 

Not to impose solutions from the outside, but to create a space for diplomacy. 

Madame President,

The aggression against Ukraine must stop. Last week Russian drones hurt civilians in Romania. I condemn the ongoing Russian attacks against Ukraine and the war’s implications for all other countries. International law must be respected by all. 

I could go on with many more examples. 

But I would instead like to recall a promise. 

A promise we made when Germany joined the United Nations: to work towards peace and stability. 

A promise that we keep. 

Our contributions to peacekeeping, peacebuilding and mediation efforts are making a difference. 

We are convinced that resilient civil societies and strong institutions are essential for addressing the root causes of conflict and for building lasting peace. 

We are also convinced that peace processes must be designed from the outset to be inclusive, with the effective participation of women and respecting the perspectives of young people.

We share the stance that the then UN Secretary-General U Thant expressed sixty years ago: 

“My conviction stands undiminished that the United Nations remains the best instrument by which nations may co-operate for the development and peace of their people.” 

Therefore, we must support the United Nations with continued financial and political commitment. 

And we must make it more effective!

Recently – here at the General Assembly – we witnessed that, together, we can make progress on climate justice. At the initiative of Vanuatu, the General Assembly adopted a landmark resolution that sent a strong signal: Climate change is not only an environmental challenge, but also a matter of international responsibility and law. We proudly supported this initiative. 

Excellencies, friends,

As you know, Germany is once again seeking a seat on the Security Council for the 2027-2028 term. 

We are doing so with a clear sense of responsibility. And we hope for your valuable support for our candidacy. 

We stand ready to continue to contribute to conflict prevention, mediation and humanitarian action – not alone, but together with our partners. 

We are ready to deliver!

Thank you very much. 

Foreign Minister Wadephul issued the following statement on 31 May 2026 on the Israeli army’s advance further into southern Lebanon

The further advance by the Israeli army into southern Lebanon gives cause for serious concern. At the same time, this is a reaction to continued attacks by Hezbollah on the north of Israel that must finally stop. All parties to the conflict have been urgently called upon to cease all hostilities and return to the ceasefire that has been agreed upon. Any further escalation will exacerbate the already tense situation and trigger new waves of displacement within Lebanon.

Of course Israel has legitimate security interests. Yet when it is civilians that pay the price of a military escalation and when parts of Lebanon become permanently uninhabitable, this will not make Israel’s environment any more secure in the long term. In taking action against Hezbollah, Israel must protect civilians as well as civilian infrastructure. The key to stabilising Lebanon is strengthening the Lebanese state. This includes decisive action by the Lebanese Government against Hezbollah, and Lebanon exercising its sole right to the use of force on its entire territory.

In a historic step, the Governments of Lebanon and of Israel have met in Washington for direct talks. A further round of these talks is planned for the upcoming week. This is the correct channel through which to achieve success. There must be a sustainable diplomatic solution with a view to protecting civilians on both sides of the Blue Line, and there must be lasting peace. Hezbollah must not further undermine this peace process.
 

The Governments of Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States and the European External Action Service welcomed the April 30 Open Source Centre briefing to the United Nations Security Council on continuing maritime sanctions evasion by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK).  The evidence presented—including vessel imagery, voyage reconstruction, Automatic Identification System (AIS) manipulation, and port call analysis—indicates clear violations of obligations under Security Council resolutions prohibiting the export of DPRK coal and iron ore.  The vessels identified as involved in these activities in recent months are DREAM WAVE (IMO 8693073), PEACEFUL 8 (IMO 1039424), ORION (IMO 9638953), FU RUN DA 1 (IMO 1099814), and OSTROV ANTSIFEROVA (IMO 9178070). 

We further note the clear evidence supporting the seven vessels nominated to the 1718 Committee in December 2025 for designation under Security Council resolution 2321 that remain under consideration and call on the Committee to act swiftly to designate these vessels: FLYFREE (IMO 1092684), CASIO (IMO 9125786), MARS (IMO 1077402), CARTIER (IMO 1091898), SOPHIA/PRADA (IMO 1079345), ARMANI (IMO 1078561), and YI LI 1 (IMO 1059149). 

Under United Nations Security Council resolution 1718, paragraph 12, the Committee is mandated to examine and take appropriate action on information regarding violations and to strengthen implementation of the measures it oversees.  Prompt designations are essential to preserving the credibility and effectiveness of the UN sanctions regime.

The International Contact Group (ICG) for the Great Lakes, including representatives of Belgium, Denmark, the European Union, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States, met in Stockholm on 20-21 May 2026 and gave a statement on the situation in the Great Lakes region. 

The ICG reiterates its concerns over the continued conflict in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the impediment that the conflict poses to regional stability and prosperity. The ICG also restates its support for the ongoing international peace efforts facilitated by Qatar, the US, African Union-appointed mediator Faure Gnassingbé, President of the Council of Ministers of the Togolese Republic, the Panel of Facilitators and regional partners.

The ICG welcomes the progress achieved under both the Washington Accords between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda, and the Doha Framework Agreement between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Alliance Fleuve Congo/March 23 Movement (AFC/M23).

The ICG commends the progress made by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the AFC/M23 on 13-19 April in Montreux, Switzerland, in supporting humanitarian operations and committing to release prisoners and implement the Ceasefire Oversight and Verification Mechanism, supported by the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region and MONUSCO, as stated in the public statement issued at the end of the meeting.

The ICG also welcomes the progress achieved at the 23 April meeting in Washington DC, where the DRC and Rwanda convened the Joint Oversight Committee. The ICG welcomes the expressed commitment by both sides to uphold their engagements under the Washington Accords and recalls the importance of implementing Resolution 2773 of the United Nations Security Council. The ICG recalls the importance of creating conditions for an inclusive inter-Congolese dialogue with all key Congolese stakeholders – a necessary element for durablepeace in the DRC – and welcome the consultations undertaken by the Republic of Angola.

The ICG urges all parties to the conflict to build on this momentum, fulfil their commitments under these and earlier agreements, and remain steadfast in their pursuit of peace through negotiations. The ICG reiterates that there can be no military solution to the conflict.

All parties must protect civilians in line with their obligations under international humanitarian law. The escalating use of drones by various actors, including by state actors, has led to an increasing number of civilian casualties. The ICG condemns violations of international humanitarian law in the strongest terms. There is an urgent need for improved civil-military coordination and liaison mechanisms, notification procedures and pre-identification of humanitarian infrastructure.

Political progress must immediately translate into improvements on the ground. The ceasefire must be respected by all parties, and the humanitarian situation must improve. Humanitarian relief personnel must be allowed safe, rapid and unimpeded access. The ICG calls on all parties to facilitate humanitarian access in line with international humanitarian law, including by working towards the sustained opening of the Goma and Kavumu airports, the establishment of safe humanitarian corridors in North and South Kivu, and simplified administrative procedures. The recent outbreak of Ebola, declared by WHO as a Public Health Emergency of International Concern on 17 May, and declared by Africa CDC as a Public Health Emergency of Continental Security on 18 May, adds to an already fragile humanitarian situation in the eastern DRC. The ICG urges all parties to the conflict to facilitate efforts to respond to the Ebola outbreak. This threat underscores the importance of regional cooperation to address common challenges.

In line with the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the DRC and the region, the ICG will continue to support regional partners in addressing the drivers of the conflict and support lasting peace and shared prosperity in the Great Lakes region. Inclusive governance, accountability and the safeguarding of rights are essential for long-term stability, helping to address grievances and break cycles of instability.